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Working Papers - 1983–84 (#1 - #38)

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Social Disarticulation in Latin American History

Alain de Janvry

Working Paper #38 - March 1984

Alain de Janvry is Professor of Agricultural Economics at the University of California, Berkeley. He received his Ph. D. from the University of California, Berkeley, and has since been active as an economic consultant and advisor for numerous development agencies and for governments of Third World countries. He is an internationally acclaimed specialist in rural development, agrarian reform, technological change and social equity, and has published extensively in these areas.

Abstract

This paper examines the interaction between economic policies and alternating democratic and authoritarian forms of government in the context of Latin American history, especially that of the Southern Cone. The author claims that redemocratization is doomed to failure in the long run unless it is accompanied by an economic model which translates productivity gains into wage gains, thus reconciling growth with equity. The only style of development capable of achieving this in the present circumstances is social articulation: a growth plan which is led by the production of wage goods and by the creation of effective demand for the domestic absorption of these wage goods, with trade controlled in such a way that it contributes to the articulation process.

Resumen

Este ensayo examina la interacción entre políticas económicas y las alternancias entre gobiernos democráticos y autoritarios en el contexto de la historia de América Latina, especialmente aquélla del Cono Sur. El autor afirma que la democratización está condenada a fracasar a largo plazo al menos que esté acompañada por un modelo económico que traduzca los aumentos productivos en aumentos salariales, reconciliando así el crecimiento con la equidad. El único modelo de desarrollo capaz de alcanzar esto en las circunstancias presentes es la articulación social: un camino de crecimiento dirigido por la producción de productos de consumo básico y por la creación de una demanda efectiva para la absorción doméstica de estos productos de consumo básico con un comercio controlado de tal manera que contribuya al proceso de la articulación.


Revisiting the Great Debt Crisis of 1982

Albert Fishlow

Working Paper #37 - May 1984

Albert Fishlow is Professor of Economics at the University of California, Berkeley. Dr. Fishlow is a distinguished specialist on Brazil and Latin America, having served as an advisor to the Brazilian Ministry of Planning for several years, as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs, and as an occasional consultant to the World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank and several foundations. At present, he serves on the editorial boards of Foreign Policy, International Organization and Latin American Research Review. In addition to numerous articles in professional journals, he has authored several books concerned with issues of income distribution in Brazil, and economic relations between industrialized and developing countries.

Abstract

This paper situates the problem of Latin American debt within the wider context of the world debt crisis. It demonstrates that this debt problem has immediate consequences. Moreover, it argues that the problem is not of short term duration: it will continue to haunt the debtor countries and the world financial system for some time. Ultimately, the economic and political dimensions of this crisis represent a failure of the market.

The origins of the current debt problem are analyzed in terms of both the disequilibrium of the international economy of the l970s and the domestic policies of developing countries in the transition from debt-led growth to growth-led debt. The position of expecting economic recovery in the industrialized countries to more or less automatically provide the solution to this debt crisis is called into question. Similarly, the far-reaching economic and political costs of the orthodox stabilization programs of the IMF are evaluated. In particular,the author suggests that these costs may undermine the democratization tendencies in Latin America. He concludes that only medium- and long-term policies of adjustment can successfully confront the simultaneous problems of debt and development.

Resumen

Este trabajo analiza el problema de la deuda latinoamericana dentro del contexto de la crisis mundial. Se argumenta que el problema de la deuda tiene consecuencias inmediatas. Sin embargo, no es a corto plazo: va a continuar como problema para los países deudores y el sistema financiero mundial por algún tiempo. Las dimensiones económicas y políticas de las crisis representan finalmente un fracaso del mercado.

Se analizan los orígenes del problema actual de la deuda en términos del desequilibrio de la economía internacional de los setentas, y de las políticas domésticas de los países en desarrollo en la transición de deuda concrecimiento a crecimiento con deuda. Se cuestiona la posición de esperar que una recuperación económica de los países industrializados de más o menos una solución automática a la crisis de la deuda. De igual modo, se analizan los costos económicos y políticos de los programas ortodoxos de estabilización del FMI. Estos costos pueden socavar las tendencias democráticas en América Latina. Solo las políticas de ajuste a medio y largo plazo pueden confrontar simultáneamente los problemas de deuda y desarrollo.


The Methodological Basis of Hirschman's Development Economics: Pattern Model vs. General Laws

Charles K. Wilber and Steve Francis

Working Paper #36 - July 1984

Charles K. Wilber is Professor of Economics and Faculty Fellow of the Kellogg Institute at the University of Notre Dame. Steve Francis is a graduate research assistant in the Department of Economics of the University of Notre Dame.

This paper was first presented at the Hirschman Conference on Economic Development and Democracy, sponsored by the Kellogg Institute in April 1984. It was revised in July 1984.

Abstract

This paper attempts to understand the methodological foundations of Albert Hirschman's work in development economics. His work clearly differs from the formal and econometric approach of standard economics. Because of this Hirschman is often dismissed as a pamphleteer. This paper argues that Hirschman's work can be understood as an example of what philosophers of social science call holistic pattern modeling.

Resumen

Este trabajo intenta una comparación de los fundamentos metodologicos del trabajo de Albert Hirschman sobre economía de desarrollo. Su trabajo difiere claramente del enfoque formal y econométrico típico de la teoria económica tradicional. Por esta causa se acusa a Hirschman de panfletario. Este trabajo mantiene que el trabajo de Hirschman puede entenderse como un ejemplo de lo que los filósofos de las ciencias sociales denominan patrones totalizadores.


Power Relations and Market Laws

Raúl Prebisch

Working Paper #35 - September 1984

Raúl Prebisch is currently Director of the CEPAL Review and Special Advisor to the Executive Secretary of the Economic Commission for Latin America. He graduated with a degree in Economics from the University of Buenos Aires, and soon held a professorship in Political Economy at the same University. Dr. Prebisch served as Under-Secretary of the Argentine Ministry of Finance, Director-General of the Latin American Institute for Economic and Social Planning, Secretary-General of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, and Special Representative of the Secretary General for the United Nations Emergency Operation. His particular concerns, as evidenced by his career work related to UNCTAD activities and his extensive publications, have been in the areas of trade and development problems for Third World countries, and North-South relations.

Abstract

According to neo-classical economic theory, the free play of market forces ensures that resources are allocated in the best possible way and that the fruits of technological progress are disseminated throughout society, leading to the steadily rising productivity of the system. This paper contends, however, that the concept of economic equilibrium is not adequate to deal with the structural phenomenon of the economic surplus nor, at the international level, with the structural imbalance between the periphery and the center. Conventional theories of development and income distribution fail to take into account social change and consequent changes in power relations. The author examines the various effects of appropriation of the surplus, power sharing by the labor force, and contractionary monetary policies, and concludes that at this stage in world history we have to recognize the need for economic regulation.

Resumen

De acuerdo con la teoría económica neoclásica, el libre juego de las fuerzas del mercado asegura que los recursos sean utilizados en la mejor forma posible y que los frutos del progreso tecnológico sean diseminados en la sociedad, así fomentando el aumento de la productividad del sistema. Este ensayo afirma, en cambio, que el concepto de equilibrio económico no es adecuado para tratar con el fenómeno estructural del superávit ni, a nivel internacional, con el balance estructural entre la periferia y el centro. Las teorías convencionales de desarrollo y distribución de ingresos no toman en consideración el cambio social y los cambios resultantes en las relaciones de poder. El autor examina los varios efectos de la apropiación del superávit, la distribución del poder por la fuerza de trabajo y las políticas monetarias restrictivas, y concluye que en esta face de la historia mundial tenemos que reconocer la necesidad de la regulación económica.


Stabilization And Economic Justice: The Case Of Nicaragua

E.V.K. FitzGerald

Working Paper #34 - September l984

Abstract

In this paper Dr. FitzGerald addresses the issue of whether it is possible to design and implement a demand management policy which combines stabilization with economic justice in a mixed economy. He explains the sort of problems which the Nicaraguan government faced in the first few years after the l979 revolution in its attempt to put into practice an economically just stabilization policy.

The author describes this attempt in terms of the government's need to (l) secure the supply of basic needs through a program based on popular organization; (2) reduce the foreign exchange content of consumption; (3) cut non-basic consumption; (4) allow most of the burden of these policies to fall upon the upper and middle classes while trying to prevent mass migration of key producers, technicians and professionals; (5) improve the balance of payments by restoring export volume, deal with inherited debt and negotiate new finance; and (6) construct and apply internal financial balances consistent with both basic needs and the external account.

Resumen

En este trabajo el Dr. FitzGerald analiza la posibilidad de diseñar e implementar una política de demanda que combine estabilidad con justicia económica en una economía mixta. Explica los problemas con que el gobierno Nicaragüense se enfrentó en los primeros años tras la revolución de l979 en su intento de poner en practica una política económica de estabilización justa.

El autor describe este intento en términos de la necesidad por parte del gobierno de (1) asegurar la oferta de necesidades básicas a través de un programa basado en la organización popular; (2) reducir la proporción de productos externos en el consumo; (3) reducir el consumo no-básico; (4) permitir que la mayor parte de estas políticas recaigan sobre las clases medias y altas intentando a la vez frenar una emigración masiva de productores, técnicos y profesionales; (5) mejorar la balanza de pagos restaurando el volumen de exportaciones, tratar la deuda heredada y negociar nuevas finanzas; (6) construir y aplicar balances financieros internos consistentes con las necesidades básicas y la cuenta externa.


E.V.K. FitzGerald is Professor of Development Economics at the Institute for Social Studies in the Netherlands. He received his BA and MA from Oxford University and his Ph.D. in Economics from Cambridge University. For many years he served as Assistant Director of Development Studies at Cambridge University and then in advisory posts in Peru, Mexico, Algeria and Panama. At present he serves as Economic Advisor in the Presidential Office in Nicaragua. He is the author of three books and numerous chapters and articles on Latin America, financial policy, public investment theory, and peripheral accumulation. He is Editor of the Journal of Development Studies, and serves on the Boards of Latin America Research Review and the Bulletin of Latin American Research.


New Social Movements, Political Culture, And Democracy: Brazil And Argentina

Scott Mainwaring and Eduardo Viola

Working Paper #33 - December 1984

Abstract

This paper discusses the role of "new" social movements in the erosion of the authoritarian regimes and the transitions to democracy in Brazil and Argentina. We analyze both the contributions and limits of these social movements in helping to promote a more democratic order. The paper considers five movements: ecclesial base communities, neighborhood associations, and the feminist movement in Brazil; human rights organizations in Argentina; and ecological associations in both countries.

Resumen

Este trabajo trata del papel de algunos movimientos sociales "nuevos" en la erosión de los regímenes autoritários y en las transiciones a la democrácia en Brasil y Argentina. Anelizamos tanto las contribuciones como también los límites de estos movimientos en la contrucción de un ordén mas democrático. El trabajo considera cinco movimientos: comunidades ecclesiales de base, asociaciones de barrios y el movimiento feminista en el Brasil; organizaciones de derechos humanos en la Argentina; y asociaciones ecologistas en los dos países.


Scott Mainwaring is Faculty Fellow of the Kellogg Institute for International Studies and Assistant Professor of Government at the University of Notre Dame. His book on The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil, 1916-1985 was be published by Stanford University Press in 1986.

Eduardo Viola is Associate Professor of Political Science at the Federal University of Santa Catarina in Florianópolis, Brazil. During the 1983-1984 year he was Faculty Fellow of the Kellogg Institute at Notre Dame. He is finishing a book on the emergence, deterioration, and collapse of the democratic experience of 1973-1976 in Argentina.

The authors wish to thank Alejandro Foxley, Alexander Wilde, Anne Pérotin-Dumon, Christine Paige, Denis Goulet, Edelberto Torres-Rivas, Fred Dallmayr, Guillermo O'Donnell, Hector Leis, Herbert Kitschelt, James Holston, Juan Gabriel Valdes, and Julia Guivant for their stimulating criticisms and encouragement.


Transitions from Above: Democratization in Brazil and Spain

Donald Share and Scott Mainwaring

Working Paper #32 - December 1984

Abstract

This paper discusses transitions from authoritarian to democratic rule initiated by the elites of the authoritarian regime, focusing on Brazil and Spain. The first section of the paper describes some basic characteristics of "transitions from above." In the second section we address the seemingly paradoxical issue of why an authoritarian regime would decide to alter the rules of the game which had sustained its own existence. We argue that liberalization and democratization afford some advantages to the authoritarian elites, while at the same time minimizing the risks which are always present in political transitions. Yet while transition from above is often an appealing alternative, it is very difficult to effect. A third section of the paper discusses conditions which facilitate such transitions. Then in Section 4, we discuss salient differences between Spanish and Brazilian differences. In the concluding section, we analyze costs and benefits of transitions from above.

Resumen

Este trabajo analiza aquellas transiciones del autoritarismo a la democracia que son controladas por los elites del regimen autoritario, enfocando sobre todo los casos del Brasil (1973-85) y de la España (1975-82). La primera parte del trabajo describe algunas características básicas de estas "transiciones desde arriba." En la segunda parte discutimos por que un regimen autoritario decidiriá cambiar las reglas del juego que lo habián sostenido. Afirmamos que la liberalización y la democratización pueden beneficiar los elites autoritarios, al mismo tiempo que el carácter controlado de la transición minimiza los riesgos siempre presentes en todas transiciones políticas. Aunque puede ser una opción atractiva para muchos regímenes autoritarios, es difícil realizar una transición controlada. La tercera parte del trabajo analiza las condiciones que facilitan estas transiciones. En la cuarta parte, discutimos algunas diferencias sobresalientes entre los casos de Brasil y de España. Concluímos el trabajo con un análisis de los costos y beneficios de las transiciones controladas.


Donald Share is Assistant Professor of Politics and Government at the University of Puget Sound. He is finishing a book on the transition to democracy in Spain, 1975-1982.

Scott Mainwaring is Assistant Professor of Government and Member of the Kellogg Institute of the University of Notre Dame. His book, The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil, 1916-1985, was published by Stanford University Press in 1986.

The authors wish to thank Gabriel Almond, Karen Bernstein, Caroline Domingo, Peter McDonough, Guillermo O'Donnell, Wayne Selcher, and Eduardo Viola for helpful suggestions.


Agrarian Reform and the Peasantry in the Transition to Socialism in the Third World

Carmen Diana Deere*

Working Paper #31 - December 1984

Abstract

This paper is a preliminary attempt at a most difficult and challenging task-a synthesis of the agrarian reform experience of thirteen Third World countries which consider themselves to be in a transition to socialism. Particular emphasis is given to the relationship between the organization of production in the transition (whether state farms, production cooperatives or individual peasant holdings are favored) and the degree of rural worker and peasant participation in shaping the agrarian reform and the process of transition.

Resumen

Este ensayo representa un intento preliminar de sintetizar la experiencia de reforma agraria de trece paises del Tercer Mundo que se consideran en transición hacia el socialismo. Se dá atención especial a la relación entre la forma organizada de la producción (sea en forma de fincas estatales, cooperativas de producción o parcelas individuales) y el grado de participación de los trabajadores rurales y campesinos en la determinación del tipo de reforma agraria y el proceso mismo de la transición.


Carmen Diana Deere is an Associate Professor of Economics at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst. During the Fall of 1984 she was a Faculty Fellow at the Kellogg Institute of the University of Notre Dame. She has written extensively about Latin American agrarian reform processes, peasant household economics and rural women in Latin America.

*This paper was prepared for the PACCA-CRIES-Social Science Research Council Seminar on "The Problems of Transition in Small, Peripheral Economics," held in Managua, Nicaragua, September 3-8, 1984. I am indebted to Lynn Duggan, Mieka Meurs, Hannah Roditi and Antonella Stirati for skillful research assistance, and to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts for a Faculty Research Grant to finance the research effort. Several colleagues were of tremendous assistance in this undertaking: Carollee Benglesdorf, Frank Holmquist, Nancy Wiegersma, Jeanne Henn, and Teodor Shanin. The participants in the Managua seminar considerably enriched my own thinking on the topic, particularly the two discussants, Peter Marchetti and Joe Collins. Most useful comments on the first draft of this paper were also provided by David Ruccio and by the members of the Western Massachusetts women in development study group.


Issues on Democracy and Democratization: North and South
-A Rapporteurs' Report-

Carlos Acuña and Robert Barros

Working Paper #30 - October 1984

Abstract

This paper is a rapporteurs' report from the conference "Issues on Democracy and Democratization: North and South," sponsored by the Kellogg Institute of the University of Notre Dame in November 1983. The conference focused on issues in democratic theory in light of recent and differing problems confronted by both democratic and non-democratic regimes in the United States, Europe and Latin America. This report summarizes and assesses the proceedings of the conference in terms of three broad issues. (1) The problem of justifying democracy: Why are "imperfect" democracies preferable to other political regimes? (2) The need to develop criteria to evaluate the varying degrees to which democracy exists in political institutions and social practices. (3) The problem of conceptualizing the process of democratization.

Resumen

Este trabajo es un informe de la conferencia "Temas sobre la democracia y la democratización: Norte y Sur," auspiciada por el Instituto Kellogg de la Universidad de Notre Dame en noviembre de 1983. La conferencia enfocó temas relacionados con la democracia a la luz de recientes y variados problemas que confrontan los régimenes tanto democráticos en los Estados Unidos, Europa y América Latina. Este informe sintetiza y evalua los trabajos y discusiones de la conferencia en base a tres grandes temas: (1) El problema de la justificación de la democracia: ¿por qué preferibles las democracias "imperfectas" a otros régimenes políticos? (2) La necesidad teórica de desarrollar criterios para evaluar diferentes nivelas de democracia en instituciones políticas y prácticas sociales. (3) El problema de como conceptualizar el proceso de democratización.


Carlos Acuña and Robert Barros are graduate students in the Political Science Department of the University of Chicago. Carlos Acuña is affiliated with the Centro de Estudios Sociales (Servicio Paz y Justicia-Argentina).


The United States and Third World Poor in the International Economy; Some Economic and Ethical Issues for Discussion

Ernest Bartell, CSC

Working Paper #29 - December 1983

Abstract

In mainstream economic models of free markets, optimization criteria take on a greater priority than other important value considerations. However, the most efficient allocation of resources in a competitive free market does not necessarily lead to a distribution of income and wealth which meets acceptable ethical standards of social justice and human equality.

Distribution of gains from international market activity tends to be biased against Third World countries, and particularly against the poor within those countries. An adequate economic and ethical evaluation of United States international economic policy must take this into account.

Value judgements about distribution, though they affect the domestic economic policy of most countries, historically have had little influence on the workings of international markets. The richest fifth of the world's population accounts for 50 times the per capita GNP of the poorest fifth and, in the absence of international intervention, the inequality will continue to grow because of the biases against the poor nations in markets for labor, goods and services, and financial capital.

This paper examines these distributional biases together with some policy options proposed to redress them, and concludes that only a broad based popular appeal grounded in the considerations of higher ethical and moral values, as well as in the requirements for survival of an international economic system, is likely to create the collective will necessary for a comprehensive and coordinated approach to a rational distribution of economic means and opportunities in an increasingly interdependent economic world.

Resumen

En los modelos económicos de libre mercado convencionales, los criterios de optimización adquieren una más alta prioridad que otras consideraciones valóricas de importancia. Sin embargo, la asignación de recursos más eficiente posible en un sistema competitivo de libre mercado no asegura una distribución del ingreso y riqueza que satisfaga las normas éticas de justicia social e igualdad entre los hombres.

La distribución de las ganancias que se crean como resultado de la existencia de los mercados internacionales tienden a discriminar en contra de los paises del Tercer Mundo, y en particular en contra de los pobres al interior de dichos paises. Una evaluación adecuada de la politica económico y ético, debe tomar en consideración los aspectos mencionados.


Father Ernest Bartell is the Executive Director of the Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies and Professor of Economics at the University of Notre Dame. This paper was prepared for presentation to the members of the United States Catholic Bishops' committee preparing a pastoral letter on the American economy.


Fuerzas Armadas, Partidos Politicos y Transicion a la Democracia en Argentina 1981-1982

Andrés Fontana*

Working Paper #28 - July 1984

Abstract

This paper analyzes the internal dynamic of the Argentine military regime and its relationship with the political parties during the presidencies of Generals Roberto Viola and Leopoldo Galtieri. The paper focuses on different moments in the crisis of the military regime and the political liberalization process, starting with Viola's assumption of the presidency in 1981 and ending with the defeat the regime suffered in the Malvinas war.

Resumen

Este Trabajo Analiza La Dinámica Interna Del Régimen Militar Argentino y su relación con los partidos políticos durante las presidencias de los Generales Roberto Viola y Leopoldo Galtieri, en vinculación con el proceso de apertura política. El análisis trata de explicar la relación entre diversos momentos de la crisis del régimen militar, desde la asunción de la presidencia por Viola en 1981, hasta la derrota del régimen en la guerra de las Malvinas.


Andrés Fontana was a Fellow of the Kellogg Institute from February to December 1983 and is a member of CEDES (Centro de Estudios de Estado y Sociedad) in Buenos Aires.

*To a large extent this paper is the product of daily discussions about Argentine politics, held over the course of the period analyzed. I wish to thank all of the members of CEDES, especially Oscar Landi and Miguel Khavize, for their contributions. I received helpful comments and suggestions from Marcelo Cavarozzi, Elizabeth Jelin, Juan José Llovet, Oscar Landi, Scott Mainwaring, and Guillermo O'Donnell. I also want to thank the members of the Kellogg Institute, Phillippe Schmitter, and María Angélica Grassi for their suggestions and help.


Eternal Dependence, External Assistance, and 'Economic Aggression' Against Nicaragua

Michael E. Conroy

Working Paper #27 - July 1984

Abstract

The Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua inherited an economy that was profoundly dependent upon constant new flows of external financing, not only in terms of economic aid from multilateral institutions heavily influenced by the U.S., but also through the more subtle influence of private bank financing. The economic policies toward Nicaragua undertaken by the U.S. government since 1981 demonstrate clear recognition of the damage that could be done through the manipulation of those channels. This paper presents a detailed analysis of the nature of Nicaraguan financial dependence prior to 1979, the problems that have ensued in the external sector, and the manipulation of financial flows as a direct object of U.S. policy. It places U.S. policies explicitly in the context of historical economic aggression, and it demonstrates the extent to which Nicaragua has responded to reductions in U.S. financing by turning successfully to Western Europe, to other Third World nations, and to the Socialist Bloc for new economic assistance as it strives to lessen and diversify its external assistance. Nicaragua's confrontation with this external financial dependence carries lessons in the functioning of the international financial system with respect to any nation that attempts to transform its domestic economy by restructuring its position in the global economic system.

Resumen

La revolución Sandinista en Nicaragua heredó una economía profundamente dependiente de financiamiento externo, no solo en términos de ayuda económica proveniente de instituciones multilaterales influenciadas en gran manera por los E.U., sino también por la influencia mas sutil de financiamiento a través de bancos privados. Las Politicas económicas de los E.O. hacia Nicaragua desde el 1981 demuestran un claro reconocimiento del daño que puede ser causado mediante la manipulación de estros canales. Este trabajo presenta un análisis detallado sobre la dependencia financiera nicaraguense antes de 1979, los problemas que han resultado en el sector externo, y la manipulación financiera como objeto directo de la politica estadounidense. Situa las politicas de los E.U. explicitamente en el contexto de una historica agresión económica. Demuestra además, hasta que punto Nicaragua ha respondido a las reducciones financieras estadounidenses al recurrir con éxito a Europa occidental, a otras naciones del Tercer Mundo y a la Union Sovietica con sus aliados para nueva ayuda económica mientras procura disminuir y diversificar su ayuda externa. La confrontación con esta dependencia financiera externa conlleva lecciones sobre el funcionamiento del sistema internacional financiero con respecto a cualquier nación que intenta transformar su economía doméstica reconstruyendo su posición en el sistema económico global.


Michael E. Conroy is Co-Director of the Central American Resource Center in Austin, Texas. In Spring 1984 he was Visiting Associate Professor of Economics and Faculty Fellow of the Kellogg Institute at the University of Notre Dame. Dr. Conroy has written extensively about Central American economic development.


False Polarization? Alternative Perspectives On The Economic Strategies Of Post-Revolutionary Nicaragua

Michael E. Conroy

Working Paper #26 - July 1984

Michael Conroy is Co-Director of the Central American Resource Center in Austin, Texas. In Spring 1984 he was Visiting Associate Professor of Economics and Faculty Fellow of the Kellogg Institute at Notre Dame. Dr. Conroy has written extensively about Central American economic development. This paper was prepared for presentation at the 25th Annual Convention of the International Studies Association; Atlanta March 29, 1984.

Abstract

Nicaraguan economic strategies during the first five years after the revolution have been given profoundly differing interpretations in the U.S. How is it that the economy that had the fastest rate of growth in Latin America during 1983 could be characterized by the Kissinger Commission, in January 1984, as one "whose performance has been poor?" The Sandinista economic policies have given important continuing roles to the private sector, but they are dismissed as "Marxist-Leninist." In this paper I present an overview of Nicaraguan economic performance during the first five years after the revolution, and I explore the ideological roots of the widely differing evaluations of that experience. Pre-revolutionary Nicaraguan economic history and post-revolutionary policies are explored from the perspective of three distinct paradigms, the neo-classical approach, the structuralist approach of ECLA, and a more radical composite Marxist-dependency approach. Nicaraguan economic policies are seen to be logical, coherent, and complete extensions of a "structuralist" approach long practiced in lesser fashion in many other parts of Latin America. It is seen as neither the caricatured Marxist approach alleged by the Reagan administration nor the laissez faire capitalist model advocated by that administration. The economic war launched against Nicaragua is found to endanger most the very private sector on behalf of whom it is ostensibly being waged.

Resumen

Las estrategias económicasnicaraguenses durante los primeros cinco anos despues de la revolución han sido interpretadas en diversas formas en los E.U. Como puede ser que la economia que tuvo la tasa de crecimiento mas rápida en America Latina durante 1983 sea caracterizada por la Comision Kissinger, en enero de 1984, como una "cuyos resultados han sido pobre"? Las políticas ecómicas Sandinistas han reservado funciones importantes al sector privado, pero son descartadas como "marxistas/leninistas." Este trabajo describe en breve la economia nicaraguense durante los primeros cinco años despues de la revolución y explora las raíces ideológicas de las extensivas y diferentes evaluaciones de esa experiencia. Se explora la historia de la economía nicaraguense antes de la revolución y las politicas de esta despues de la revolución desde una perspectiva de tres paradigmas distintos: el método neoclásico, el metodo estructuralista de la ECLA, y un método mas radical que combina elementos del Marxismo y del enfoque dependentista. Las politicas económicas nicaraguenses son lógical y coherentes, extensiones completas de un metodo "estructuralista" practicada por muchos años en menor grado en muchas otras partes de America Latina. Estas políticas no son ni el rigido metodo marxista alegado por la administracion de Reagan ni el modelo capitalista laissez faire defendido por esa administracion. La guerra económica lanzada contra Nicaragua pone más en peligro exactamente al sector privado por cuyo beneficio es emprendida.


Michael Conroy is Co-Director of the Central American Resource Center in Austin, Texas. In Spring 1984 he was Visiting Associate Professor of Economics and Faculty Fellow of the Kellogg Institute at Notre Dame. Dr. Conroy has written extensively about Central American economic development. This paper was prepared for presentation at the 25th Annual Convention of the International Studies Association; Atlanta March 29, 1984.


Centroamerica; algunos rasgos de la sociedad de postguerra*

Edelberto Torres-Rivas

Working Paper #25 - August 1984

Abstract

This paper analyzes different aspects of the five Central American societies (Costa Rica, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala) in the post-World War II period. Some tables and the text systematically compare the five countries according to different aspects of political, economic, and social life, including transportation, communication, wages, basic services, and agrarian structure. In addition to highlighting differences between the five countries, the paper analyzes some of the major changes Central America underwent in the period between 1945 and the end of the 1950s.

Resumen

Este trabajo analiza varios aspectos de las cinco sociedades centro-americanas (Costa Rica, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala) en el período posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Los cuadros y el texto establecen comparaciones sistemáticas entre los cinco países según diversos apsectos de la vida política, económica y social, incluyendo información sobre el transporte, la comunicación, los salarios, los servicios básicos y la estructura agraria. Además de destacar diferencias entre los cinco países, el trabajo analiza algunos cambios fundamentales que la región experimentó entre 1945 y fines de los 50.


Edelberto Torres-Rivas, a native of Guatemala, is member of the Instituto Centroamericano de Investigación y Documentación Social, ICADIS, whose headquarters are in Costa Rica. He has written many books about Central America and is director of the journal POLEMICA. Torres-Rivas was a fellow of the Kellogg Institute in the Spring 1984 semester.

*Note
This work has a double limitation that is worth considering: it has a preliminary character for discussion; it is part of a larger work in the process of elaboration. The description and analysis are provisional; for this reason, if it has any merit it is in its statistical data that are compiled here for the first time for the entire region.

*Nota
Este trabajo tiene una doble limitación que conviene tener en cuenta: tiene un carácter preliminar, para su discusión; es parte de un trabajo major, en proceso de elaboración. Descripción y análisis son provisionales; por ello, si tiene algún valor, radica en los datos estadísticos que han sido puestos de manera conjunta, por primera vez, para toda la región.


Good-Bye Financial Repression, Hello Financial Crash

Carlos F. Días-Alejandro*

Working Paper #24 - August 1984

Abstract

This paper reviews some dilemmas posed by intrinsic imperfections of all financial markets and then examines some Latin American experiments in financial liberalizaton, particularly those in Southern Cone countries. The paper discusses alternative ways of organizing domestic capital markets under Latin American conditions and of supervising links between domestic and international financial markets.

Resumen

Este paper hace una revisión de algunos dilemas planteados por las imperfecciones intrínsecas de todos los mercados financieros y después examina algunos experimentos latinoamericanos de liberalización financiera, particularmente aquellos en los países del cono sur. El paper discute modos alternativos de organización de los mercados de capitales domésticos en las condiciones específicas de América Latina y de supervisión de los vínculos entre los mercados financieros domésticos e internacionales.


Carlos F. Díaz-Alejandro is Professor of Economics at Columbia University. He has published a large number of influential works on Latin American development. This paper was presented at the Hirschman Conference on Economic Development and Democracy, sponsored by the Kellogg Institute in April 1984.

*A version of this paper was first presented at a conference held in Bogotá on November 22 and 23, 1982, sponsored by the Universidad de los Andes and the Banco de la República. Visits to CINVES, in Montevideo, and CIEPLAN, in Santiago de Chile, during March 1983, were very helpful for extending that early version. I am grateful to all these institutions and to numerous individuals who shared with me their views of the events narrated and of the issues discussed in the text. Among those who are unlikely to find embarrassing my acknowledgement of their help, I may mention José Pablo Arellano, Edmar L. Bacha, Guillermo Calbo, Jonathan Eaton, Ricardo Ffrench-Davis, Jeff Frieden, Eduardo García D'Acuña, José Antonio Ocampo, Hugh Patrick, Gustav Ranis, Patricio Meller and Laurence M. Weiss. My gratitude is no less for the often extraordinarily generous cooperation of those not explicitly named.


On Modernism and Modernization: The Modernist City in Development, the Case of Brasilia

James Holston

Working Paper #23 - July 1984

Abstract

This paper analyzes the model of development upon which the design of Brasilia and most contemporary urban projects in developing countries are based, that of the CIAM modernist city. Proposed in Europe and the Soviet Union in the early part of this century, the CIAM model remains the most comprehensive theory of the modern city. Exported from developed to developing countries, it exemplifies the important affinity between modernism and modernization in development ideologies. This article analyzes the basic features of the CIAM model city, using the design of Brasilia as its most complete example. The first section establishes Brasilia's pedigree as a modernist city. The second sets out the model's principles in its architectural and historical context. It demonstrates that the modernist city is designed as an instrument of social transformation, in which architecture itself is conceived of as a means to create new forms of collective association and personal habit. The paper focuses on six major premises of the model: (1) its anti-capitalist/egalitarian basis; (2) its "machine metaphor"; (3) its redefinition of the social "functions" of urban organization; (4) its development of revolutionary building typologies and planning conventions;(5) its environmental determinism and anti-contextuality; and (6) its reliance on state authority, "total planning," and the "techniques of shock" to realize its objectives of social change.

Resumo

Este paper analisa o modelo de desenvolvimento sobre o qual baseou-se o projeto da cidade de Brasilia, assim como o da maioria dos projetos urbanos atuais em paises em desenvolvimento; isto é o da cidade modernista do CIAM. Proposto na Europa e na União Sovietica no inicio deste século, o modelo do CIAM permanece como a mais completa teoria da cidade moderna. Exportado para paises em desenvolvimento, ele exemplifica a importante afinidade entre o modernismo e a modernização nas ideologias de desenvolvimento. O artigo analisa as carateristicas básicas do modelo da cidade do CIAM, utilizando o projeto de Brasilia como sua forma mais completa. A primeira parte estabelece a derivação de Brasilia como uma cidade modernista. A seguna aponta os fundamentos do modelo no seu contexto arquitetônico e histórico. Ele demonstra que a cidade modernista ó planejada como instrumento de transformação social, no qual a arquitetura por si só é concebida como o meio de criação de novas formas de associação coletiva e de habitos pessoais. O paper enfoca seis principios importantes do modelo: (1) seu base anti-capitalista/igualitaria; (2) sua "metáfora de máquina"; (3) sua redefinação das "funções" sociais de organização urbana; (4) sua desenvolvimento de tipologias arquitetónicas e de conceitos de planejamento revolucionários; (5) seu determinismo do ambiente e sua anti-contextualidade; (6) sua dependéncia na autoridade governamental, no "planejamento total," e nas "técnicas de choque" para atingir seus objetivos de mudança social.

Resumen

Este paper analiza el modelo de desarrollo sobre el cual se basó el proyecto de la ciudad de Brasilia y la mayoría de los proyectos urbanos actuales en los países en desarrollo: el de la ciudad modernista de CIAM. Propuesto siglo, el modelo de CIAM permanece como la mas completa teoría de la ciudad moderna. Exportado para los países en desarrollo, aquel ejemplifica una afinidad importante entre el modernismo y la modernización en las ideologias del desarrollo. Elk artículo analiza las caracteristicas básicas del modelo de la ciudad de CIAM, utilizando el proyecto de Brasilia como su forma mas completa. La primera parte establece la derivación de Brasilia como una ciudad modernista. La segunda apunta a los fundamentos del modelo en su contexto arquitectónico e histórico, demostrando que la ciudad modernista es planeada como instrumento de transformación colectiva y de hábitos personales. El paper enfoca seis principios importantes del modelo: (1) su base anti-capitalista/igualitaria; (2) su "metafora de maquina"; (3) su redefinición de las "funciones" sociales de la organización urbana; (4) su desarrollo de tipologias arquitectónicas y conceptos de planeamiento revolucionarios; (5) su determinismo del ambiente y su anti-contextualidad; (6) su dependencia de la autoridad gubernamental, en el "planeamiento total," y en las "técnicas de choque" para alcanzar sus objetivos de cambio social.


James Holston is a Junior Fellow of the Kellogg Institute and an Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Notre Dame for the period 1983-85. He has done graduate work both in anthropology and in architecture at Yale University. Currently, he is studying the cultural and social movements of the urban popular classes in Brazil as a follow-up project to his doctoral dissertation. The author wishes to express his gratitude to the Organization of American States, The Tinker Foundation, and Yale University for supporting twenty-two months of field research for his dissertation "Blueprint Utopia: Architecture, Politics and Society in Brasil" (Department of Anthropology, Yale University), from which this essay is drawn.


Redemocratization, the Church, and Democracy in Colombia

Alexander Wilde

Working Paper #22 - June 1984

Revised from a paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Rocky Mountain Council on Latin American Studies, Tucson, Arizona, February 23-25, 1984. The author gratefully acknowledges the criticisms of Héctor Leis, Scott Mainwaring, and Eduardo Viola and welcomes further comments and suggestions.

Alexander Wilde is Senior Fellow and Associate Academic Director of the Kellogg Institute. He was formerly Acting Secretary of the Latin American Program of The Wilson Center, Washington, D.C. and has taught at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and Haverford College. He has written about the politics of Colombia for nearly 20 years.

This Working Paper is drawn from the author's study, Politics and the Church in Colombia.

Abstract

Colombia's transition back to political democracy in the 1950s raises interesting issues for current debates about "redemocratization." The regime has charted a remarkably consistent course compared to the interruptions and reverses elsewhere in Latin America. At the same time, however, oligarchical democracy has arguably become less democratic in its processes and consequences, and the country has experienced a continuing sense of moral crisis. These two phenomena are related to one another and to the political role of the Catholic Church. The Colombian Church turned away from "Catholic" one-party government and supported bipartisan oligarchical democracy. It also recognized that LaViolenica called for a new social mission-more direct, active involvement in society-if it were to retain its accustomed magisterial authority. In the last two decades, however, it has repeatedly experienced a tension between exercising this direct social mission and supporting the political regime. Liberationist groups within it have offered a Christian critique of social problems, but in contrast to many other Latin American countries, the Hierarchy has consistently marginalized these Liberationist elements. The cost for the Church has been an obvious irrelevance in the midst of the felt moral crisis. The cost of the country has been to deny legitimation to popular social organization-and its potentialities for achieving a more just and democratic society.

Resumen

El retorno de Colombia a la democracia a fines de la década del 50 plantea cuestiones interesantes para el debate actual sobre "redemocratización." El régimen colombiano ha seguido un curso consistente comparado con las interrupciones e involuciones comunes en América Latina. Sin embargo, simultáneamente, la democracia oligárquica ha devenido (posiblemente) menos democrática, tanto en sus procesos cuanto en sus consecuencias, y el país ha experimentado un contínuo sentido de crisis moral. Estos dos fenómenos están relacionados mútuamente y, por su vez, con el rol polEitico de la Iglesia católica. La Iglesia colombiana tomó la decisión de no legitimar un: "gobierno católico" de un partido pasando a apoyar la democracia oligárquica bipartidaria. La Iglesia también reconoció que La Violencia planteaba la necesidad de una nueva vision social-compromiso más activo y directo con la sociedad-para retener su histórica autoridad magistral. En las últimas dos décadas, no obstante, la Iglesia ha experimentado repetidamente la tensión entre el ejercer de esta misión social directa y apoyar al régimen político. Los grupos liberacionistas dentro de la Iglesia han propuesto una crítica cristiana de los problemas sociales, pero en contraste con otros países latinoamericanos, la Jerarquía ha marginalizado consistentemente estos elementos liberacionistas. El costo para la Iglesia ha sido su irrelevancia en cuanto potencial institución comprometida con la superación de la crisis moral. El costo para el país ha sido la negación de legitimidad para la organización social popular y para las potencialidades de ésta para lograr una sociedad más justa y democrática.


Revised from a paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Rocky Mountain Council on Latin American Studies, Tucson, Arizona, February 23-25, 1984. The author gratefully acknowledges the criticisms of Héctor Leis, Scott Mainwaring, and Eduardo Viola and welcomes further comments and suggestions.

Alexander Wilde is Senior Fellow and Associate Academic Director of the Kellogg Institute. He was formerly Acting Secretary of the Latin American Program of The Wilson Center, Washington, D.C. and has taught at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and Haverford College. He has written about the politics of Colombia for nearly 20 years.

This Working Paper is drawn from the author's study, Politics and the Church in Colombia.


Transitions to Democracy: Brazil and Argentina in the 1980s

Eduardo Viola and Scott Mainwaring

Working Paper #21 - July 1984

Abstract

This paper discusses and compares the current transitions towards democracy in Brazil and Argentina. Its major purpose is to explore some of the major differences between these two transitions. It describes the Brazilian process as a "limited and unfinished transition initiated from above" and the Argentine process as a "transition after regime collapse." It compares the transitions on two main parameters: the extent to which the elites from the authoritarian regime control the transition, and the level of rupture or continuity of the democratic regime in relation to the authoritarian one. The authors argue that the authoritarian elites in Brazil have controlled many significant aspects of the transition, which has been characterized by significant continuity in relation to the authoritarian period, while the authoritarian elites in Argentine were incapable (despite attempts) of controlling the transition, which has been characterized by a rupture. The article also compares different aspects of the military regimes, the kinds of authoritarian political traditions, and the current prospects and dilemmas of democracy in the two countries.

Resumen

Este trabajo discute y compara las presentes transiciones hacia la democracia en Brasil y Argentina. Su principal propósito es explorar algunas de las mas relevantes diferencias entre estas dos transiciones. El proceso brasileño es descripto como una "limitada e inconclusa transición iniciada desde arriba" y el argentino como una "transición después del colapso del régimen." El papel compara las transiciones en dos parámentros fundamentales: la medida en que las elites del régimen autoritario controlan la transición y el nivel de ruptura o continuidad del régimen democrático en relación al autoritario. Los autores argumentan que las elites autoritarias en Brasil han controlado varios aspectos de la transición, que ha sido caracterizada por significativa continuidad en relación al período autoritario, mientras las elites autoritarias argentinas fueron incapaces (a pesar de los intentos) de controlar la transición, que ha sido caracterizada por la ruptura. El arículo también compara aspectos de los regímenes militares, los tipos de tradiciones políticas autoritarias y las presentes perspectivas para la democracia en los dos países.


Eduardo Viola is Associate Professor of Political Science at the Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina in Florianópolis, Brazil. During the 1983-84 year he was a Fellow of the Kellogg Institute. He is currently finishing a book on the emergence, deterioration, and crisis of the democratic experience of 1973-1976 in Argentina. Scott Mainwaring is Faculty Fellow of the Kellogg Institute and Assistant Professor of Government at Notre Dame. The authors wish to thank Guillermo O'Donnell, Donald Share, and Alexander Wilde for helpful comments on an earlier draft.

His first book, The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil, 1916-1983, was published by Stanford University Press in 1986.


Life-World and Communicative Action

Fred R. Dallmayr

Working Paper #20 - June 1984

Fred Dallmayr is Packey J. Dee Professor of Government and a member of the Kellogg Institute at the University of Notre Dame. He has published extensively on twentieth century political theory and philosophy, with emphasis on such perspectives as phenomenology, existentialism, hermeneutics, and critical theory. Among his books are: Language and Politics: Why does Language Matter to Political Philosophy? (1983); Twilight of Subjectivity: Contributions to a Post-Individualist Theory of Politics (1981); Beyond Dogma and Despair: Toward a Critical Phenomenology of Politics (1981). This paper was prepared for presentation at the International Roundtable on Political Philosophy, held at the University of Baroda, India, March 19-22, 1984.

Abstract

The paper offers a critical review of Habermas's two-volume study entitled Theory of Communicative Action (whose first volume was recently translated into English), with a focus on the two key concepts or themes of "communicative action" and "life-world." After recapitulating in detail Habermas's own presentation of the two themes, the paper turns to a discussion of various quandaries of unresolved issues besetting these concepts both singly and in their mutual relation. Foremost among these quandaries are the following: the ambivalent status of communication and language in Habermas's approach; the relations between "communicative" and "teleological" action; the tension between communication (or communicative consensus) and purposive action and its aggravation in the process of modernization and rationalization; the opaque character of the "life-world" (between phenomenology and ontology); the possibility of sociological "objectification" of the life-world; and the unclear connection between life-world and formal-rational "world concepts." A concluding section explores the implications of these quandaries for Habermas's larger theoretical framework, concentrating particularly on the role of rationality and rationalization, the progressive "colonization" of the life-world, the issue of inter-subjectivity, and the eclipse of political praxis.

Resumen

Este trabajo ofrece una revisión critica del estudio de Habermas Teoría de la Acción Comunicativa (dos volúmenes en el original alemán, el primero recientemente traducido al inglés), enfocando en los dos conceptos claves de "acción comunicativa" y "mundo de la vida". Después de recapitular en detalle la propia presentación de Habermas de los dos temas, el trabajo discute las varias cuestiones no resueltas tratando aquellos conceptos aisladamente y en su relación mutua. Entre los puntos inciertos más relevantes están los siguientes: el estatuto ambivalente de comunicación y lenguaje en el enfoque habermasiano; la relación entre acción comunicativa y teleológica; la tensión entre comunicación (o consenso comunicativo) y acción intencional y su agravamiento en el proceso de modernización y racionalización; el carácter opaco del "mundo de la vida"; y la oscura conexión entre el "mundo de la vida" y los racional-formales "conceptos sobre el mundo". Una sección conclusiva explora las implicaciones de aquellos puntos inciertos para el marco teórico mayor de Habermas, concentrándose particularmente en el rol de la racionalidad y la racionalización, la progresiva "colonización" del "mundo de la vida," la cuestión de la intersubjetividad y el eclipse de la praxis politica.


American Latina, Estados Unidos y Democracia-variaciones sobre un viejísmo tema-

Guillermo O'Donnell

Working Paper #19 - May 1984

Abstract

This paper argues that despite the severe economic crisis confronting Latin America and despite the adverse consequences of the current United States government vis-á-vis Latin America, today there is an important opportunity for the installation or consolidation of democratic regimes in that region. The principal reason for this possibility lies in the painful learning process from the last wave of hardline authoritarianism which struck much of Latin America and continues to affect some countries. While recognizing that primary responsibility for the construction or consolidation of democracy must lie with domestic political forces of each country and that there are marked differences between South American and Central American or the Caribbean, the paper outlines some measures which the government and society of the United States could pursue. These measures would support both democratization in Latin America, and the medium and long term interests of all countries in the hemisphere.

Resumen

El presente ensayo argumenta que, a pesar de la severa crisis económica que sufre América Latina y de las poco positivas consecuencias de las actuales políticas del gobierno de Estados Unidos hacia aquella, hoy existe una importante oportunidad para la installación y/o consolidación de regímenes democráticos en aquella región. La principal razón de esa posibilidad radica en el duro aprendizaje hecho con la última ola de duro autoritarismo que asoló, y en algunos países aun asola, buena parte de América Latina. Sin perjuicio de que ese logro es responsabilidad primordial de las fuerzas políticas internas a cada país, y de distinguir las situaciones imperantes en América del Sur, por un lado, y en buena parte de América Central y el Caribe, por el otro, el ensayo propone algunos criterios y medidas que el gobierno y la sociedad de Estados Unidos, por si yen combinación con otros actores externos a ese país, podrían adoptar. Esas eventuales decisiones redundarían en beneficio tanto de la democratización en América Latina como de los intereses de mediano y largo plazo de cada uno de los países del hemisferio.


The English version of this paper will be published in Kevin J. Middlebrook and Carlos Rico, eds., United States-Latin American Relations in the 1980s: Contending Perspectives on a Decade of Crisis.

Guillermo O'Donnell, the Academic Director of the Kellogg Institute, holds the Helen Kellogg Chair in International Studies and is a professor in the department of Government and Sociology. He is also a Fellow of IUPERJ, Rio de Janeiro. His most recent book, El Estado Burocrático Autoritario, 1966-1973; Triunfos, Derrotas y Crisis was published by Editorial de Belgrano, Buenos Aires, in 1982 and will be published in English by the University of California Press, Berkeley.


Sobre Cultura Politica y Democracia en Argentina: Testimonio de un Todavia Exilado

Hector Leis

Working Paper #18 - April 1984

Abstract

This paper is a reflection about democracy in Argentina during the contemporary transition phase. It analyzes some aspects of the political culture of different political actors in relationship to the principal themes of debate in the country, including terrorism, the Armed Forces, human rights, and the Malvinas-Falklands war. These themes and acts are analyzed from the perspective of a democratic coexistence. The essay combines testimonial examples, value judgments, and broader political reflections. The author concludes that the extant politica culture must be transformed through new practices and identities in a pluralistic vein, while remembering the past so as to be able to learn from previous mistakes.

Resumen

El esfuerzo de este trabajo está dirigido a pensar la democracia en Argentina en la actual etapa de transición. El mismo focaliza algunos aspectos de la cultura política de los diversos actores, en relación a varios de los principales temas de debate en el país-tales como el terrorismo, las Fuerzas Armadas, los derechos humanos, la guerra de las Malvinas-Falkland, etc. Dichos temas y actores son analizados desde la perspectiva de una convivencia democrática, dentro de un estilo multi-dimensional que combina el ejemplo testimonial, juicios de valor, y reflexiones políticas generales. La conclusión del autor es que la cultura política existente debe ser transformada a partir de nuevas prácticas e identidades que vengan a insertarse en el presente con un afán pluralista, pero que, a su vez, no olviden el pasado para así aprender de sus errores.


Héctor Leis is a graduate student in political science at Notre Dame and the research assistant for the Kellogg Institute. He left his native Argentina in 1977 and got his B.A. in social sciences and M.A. in philosophy at the Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro. He is currently beginning a project on the left, authoritarianism, and democracy in Argentina.


Paradigmas de Desarrollo y Democratizacion: Temas de Investigacion

Alejandro Foxley

Working Paper #17 - April 1984

Alejandro Foxley holds the Helen Kellogg Institute Chair of International Development and is a professor of economics. He is also associate editor of the Journal of Development Economics and of El Trimestre Económico, Mexico, and is a member of the Executive Committee, Latin American Council of the Social Sciences (CLACSO). His most recent book, Latin American Experiments in Neoconservative Economics, was published in June 1983 by the University of California Press. He is a member of the Executive Committee International Economics Association (IEA) for the 1983-86 period. These ideas were sketched out to help define one of the Kellogg Institute's thematic priorities. The Hirschman Conference on Economic Development and Democracy, sponsored by the Kellogg Institute in April 1984, responded to the themes and questions posed in this paper.

Abstract

This paper poses some questions about paradigms for development in Latin American in the 1980s. The paper is divided into three main parts. The first analyzes the "life cycles" of various development paradigms: import substitution industrialization (1930s to early 1960s), the socialist and reformist capitalist models (1960s), and the neoliberal model linked to an authoritarian state (1970s). The author argues that this neoliberal model is declining because of its economic failures and reliance on repressive political regimes. The second part argues that democracy will probably become the paradigm for the 1980s. The final section considers some of the difficulties which confront attempts to create more democratic regimes in the 1980s, including the role and conceptualization of rights, the relationship between state and civil society, the approach to economic policy, and the role of different social actors.

Resumen

Este trabajo presenta algunas cuestiones relacionadas con los paradigmas para el desarrollo de América Latina en los años 80. El mismo está dividido en tres partes principales. La primera analiza los "ciclos de vida" de varios paradigmas de desarrollo: industrialización por substitución de importaciones (desde el 30 hasta los primeros años de la década del 60); los modelos socialista y capitalista reformista (década del 60); y el modelo neo-liberal vinculado a un estado autoritario (década del 70). El autor sostiene que este último modelo está declinando por causa de sus fracasos económicos y su soporte en regímenes políticos represivos. La segunda parte del trabajo presenta la idea de que la democracia será, probablemente, el paradigma de la presente década. En la última parte, el autor considera algunas de las dificultades que aparecen con el intento de instauración de regímenes más democráticos a partir del 80, incluyendo el rol y la conceptualización de los derechos, la relación entre el estado y la sociedad civil, el abordaje a la política económica y el papel de los diferentes actores sociales.


Democracy and Public Policy Analysis

Douglas C. Bennett

Working Paper #16 - April 1984

Abstract

This paper discusses the failure of rational decision approaches to public policy analysis to adequately address the question of democracy. Even though public policies encourage or hinder the development of democracies, most rational choice approaches fail to discuss this issue. The author criticizes some key assumptions of the utilitarian foundations of the rational decision approach. In assigning values only to policy outcomes, the rational decision approach displaces the question of the policy process, hence of democracy. The paper argues that democracy is a different kind of value than the self-interested, individualistic-preferences, the rational choice model is geared to accommodate.

Resumen

Este trabajo discute el fracaso de enfoque racionalista en considerar la cuestión de la democracia en el análisis de las políticas públicas. A pesar de que las políticas públicas fomentan o impiden el desarrollo de las democracias, la mayoría de los enfoques racionalistas no consiguen discutir este asunto. El autor critica algunas suposiciones claves de los fundamentos utilitaristas del enfoque racionalista. El enfoque racionalista desplaza la cuestión procesual de las políticas fuera de la democracia dado que solo considera a las políticas resultantes. El trabajo argumenta que el modelo racionalista, acostumbrado a tratar con preferencias autocentradas e individualistas, no consigue ligar con la democracia.


Douglas C. Bennett is Director of the Institute for Public Policy Studies. He publishes on Latin American politics, democratic theory, and public policy analysis. A draft of this paper was presented at the Fifth Annual Research Conference of the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management, Philadelphia, PA, October 20-22, 1983. The paper was then presented at the Kellogg Institute conference on "Issues on Democracy and Democratization: North and South," November 1983.


The Democratic Theory of the Polish Opposition: Normative Inventions and Strategic Ambiguitie

Andrew Arato

Working Paper #15 - April 1984

Abstract

This paper analyzes the political vision and social theory of Jacek Kuron and Adam Michnik, two of the outstanding spokesmen of the opposition to the Polish regime between 1976 and 1982. The paper argues that the work of Michnik and Kuron anticipated important aspects of the Solidarity movement of 1980-81 and, more generally, made significant contributions to reflecting about democracy in the context of post-totalitarian socialism. The author argues that Kuron in particular worked out a normative project that was to express the developing political philosophy of the Solidarity movement. He then sustains that the strategic dimensions of Kuron's work remained ambiguous before, during, and after the aegis of Solidarity. Finally, he argues that the impasse of Solidarity was due in part to the theoretical failures of the movement's major intellectuals, including Kuron and Michnik, particularly the tendency to overstate the totalitarian elements of the Polish regime and to understate the potential for effecting more conciliatory, albeit limited, change within that regime.

Resumen

Este texto analiza el pensamiento social y político de dos sobresalientes exponentes de la oposición al régimen polaco, entre 1976 y 1982. El autor argumenta que la obra de Jacek Kuron y Adam Michnik ha anticipado aspectos importantes del movimiento Solidaridad de 1980-81 y, en general, ha contribuído notablemente a una reflexión sobre la democracia dentro del contexto socialista post-totalitario. Kuron, en especial, produjo un proyecto normativo que podemos considerar expresión del desarrollo político filosófico de Solidaridad. A este respecto, el autor sostiene que las dimensiones estratégicas de los escritos de Kuron permanecieron ambiguas antes, durante, y despues de la égida del movimiento. A guisa de conclusión, el trabajo argumenta que el impasse de Solidaridad se debió parcialmente a las fallas teóricas de sus principales intelectuales, incluyendo Michnik y Kuron. En particular, por causa de su tendencia a sobreestimar el régimen polaco en relación a sus elementos totalitarios, y a subestimarlo en relación a su potencialidad para efectuar un cambio limitado de carácter reconciliatorio.


Andrew Arato is Professor of Sociology of the Graduate Faculty of the New School for Social Research. He is currently working on a project provisionally entitled "New Democratic Theory as Critical Social Theory: The Program of the Polish Opposition, 1976-1982." This paper was presented at the Conference on "Issues on Democracy and Democratization: North and South," sponsored by the Kellogg Institute, November 1983.


Societal Preconditions of Corporatism and Some Current Dilemmas of Democratic Theory

Claus Offe

Working Paper #14 - March 1984

Abstract

This paper discusses some practical and normative issues linked to corporatist institutions of representation. The paper begins with a discussion of the problem of order in advanced capitalist societies. The failure of both the market and the welfare state to answer important needs within these societies has led to a new emphasis on social groups and representative interest associations. The author argues that the apparent appeal of these corporatist groups should not be overestimated. On the one hand, they may not function as well as many people have suggested. The corporatist groups may behave in self-interested ways rather than attempting to maximize societal objectives. Also, the potential for conflict rather than cooperation between groups is significant. On the other hands, even if corporatist mechanisms function well, their implications for democracy are of dubious value. Political institutions do not always provide effective channels for representing important concerns, and consequently extra-institutional political practices are sometimes needed. While corporatist institutions preserve the autonomy of societal actors, they frequently replace government regulation with corporatist regulation. Participation in corporatist decision making is generally determined not by rights of individual citizens, but by the functional weight of collective actors; this criterion institutionalizes a discriminatory bias against actors which are of no strategic significance. Corporatist institutions escape democratic legitimation, constrain rather than augment the potential for socio-economic change, and violate individualist notions of autonomy.

Resumen

Este trabajo discute algunos puntos prácticos y normativos ligados a las instituciones corporativas de representación. El trabajo comienza con una discusión de los problemas del orden en las sociedades capitalistas avanzadas. La incapacidad del mercado y del estado de bienestar para responder a importantes necesidades dentro de estas sociedades ha llevado a un nuevo énfasis sobre grupos sociales y asociaciones representativas de intereses. El autor muestra que la aparente capacidad de atracción de estos grupos corporativos no debe ser sobreestimada. Por un lado, ellos pueden no funcionar tan bien como mucha gente ha sugerido. Los grupos corporativos pueden actuar de modo estrechamente particularista antes que intendando maximizar los objectivos de la sociedad. De la misma forma, es significativo un mayor potencial para el conflicto que para la cooperación entre grupos. Por otro lado, aún cuando los mecanismos corporativos funcionan bien, sus implicaciones para la democracia son de valor dudoso. Dado que las instituciones políticas no siempre proveen canales efectivos para la representación de importantes inquietudes, las prácticas políticas extra-institucionales son a veces necesarias. A pesar de que las instituciones corporativas preservan la autonomía de los actores sociales, ellas frecuentemente reemplazan la regulación gubernamental con la regulación corporativa. La participación en el proceso de decisión corporativa está generalmente determinada no por los derechos de los ciudadanos individuales, sino por el peso funcional de los actores colectivos, lo cual institucionaliza un sesgo discriminatorio contra actores sin importancia estratégica. Las instituciones corporativas escapan de la legitimación democrática, disminuyen antes que aumentan el potencial para cambios socio-económicos, y violan nociones individualistas de autonomía.


Claus Offe, Professor of Sociology at the University of Bielefeld, is one of the best known German social scientists. He has published extensively on Western European politics, theories of the state, social movements, and corporatism, among other subjects. This paper was presented at the Conference on "Issues on Democracy and Democratization: North and South," sponsored by the Kellogg Institute, November 1983.


Industrial Development in Mexico: Problems, Policy Issues and Perspectives

Kwan S. Kim

Working Paper #13 - March 1984

Abstract

This study undertakes an evaluation of the Mexican Governments industrial development strategies from a historical perspective e, focusing on the relationship between policy measures and the pattern of industrial development in the post-World War II period. It also attempts to identify constraints on the possibilities of industrial development for Mexico. The paper concludes with some suggestions for future directions of industrial development for Mexico.

Resumen

Este trabajo busca hacer una evaluación de las estrategias de desarrollo industrial del Gobierno Mexicano, desde una perspectiva histórica. Para ello, la atención será focalizada sobre las relaciones entre las medidas políticas y el modelo de desarrollo industrial del período posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Además, el trabajo intenta identificar las dificultades y posibilidades para el desarrollo industrial mexicano. El texto finaliza con la presentación de algunas sugestiones sobre las proyecciones futuras del desarrollo industrial de México.


An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1983 Latin American Studies Association meeting in Mexico City. Appreciation is due to Dr. Leonal Corona for helpful comments on an earlier draft of the paper Nacional Financiera cooperated in providing data and other information for this project. The author gratefully acknowledges a seed money grant from the Kellogg Institute at the University of Notre Dame for collection of research materials.

Kwan Kim is Associate Professor of Economics and a member of the Kellogg Institute of the University of Notre Dame. He specializes in questions about trade and development and has written on Mexico, South Korea, and Eastern Africa.


Despues del Monetarismo

Alejandro Foxley

Working Paper #12 - March 1984

Abstract

This paper discusses some aspects of an economic policy which would be an alternative to the monetarist policies employed by the Chilean military regime since 1973. Starting form an analysis of the crisis produced by monetarism, it emphasizes the importance of stable, productive activities as a central element in an alternative economic project. It argues that towards this end, an effective project of economic development must stress industrial reconstruction and, more specifically, reactivate demand, reduce the interest rate, and reorient financial mechanisms towards long term objectives, among other goals. While not advocating a statist approach to development, the author argues that the state must create conditions for and support industrialization.

The second half of the paper underscores the importance of fostering an economic stability which has been absent in recent decades, particularly under monetarist policies. It argues that the country needs to diminish its external vulnerability without returning to traditional import substitution industrialization policies. The author then discusses the importance of macroeconomic stability. He concludes analyzing the critical role a new economic policy must play in any attempt to reconstruct democracy in Chile.

Resumen

Este artículo discute algunos aspectos de una política económica alternativa para Chile, distinta a la de corte monetarista aplicada por el régimen militar imperante en ese país desde 1973. A partir de un análisis de la crisis generada por el monetarismo, el autor enfatiza la importancia de las actividades productivas estables como un elemento central de un proyecto económico alternativo. Afirma que para alcanzar este objectivo, un proyecto de desarrollo económico efectivo debe enfatizar la reconstrucción industrial y más específicamente, reactivar la demanda, reducir las tasas de interés y reorientar los mecanismos financieros hacia objectivos de largo plazo. Sin adherir a un enfoque estatista del desarrollo, el trabajo sostiene que el Estado debe crear condiciones favorables a la industrialización apoyarla en su desarrollo.

La segunda parte del trabajo subraya la importancia de promover la estabilidad económica, ausente,durante estos años, particularmente durante el período de aplicación de las políticas monetaristas. El país dice, necesita disminuir su vulnerabilidad externa sin retornar a las políticas tradicionales de industrialización por sustitución de importaciones. Se analiza en seguida la importancia de la estabilidad macroeconómica. El autor concluye analizando el rol fundamental que una nueva política económica debe jugar en cualquier intento por reconstruir la democracia en Chile.


Alejandro Foxley holds the Helen Kellogg Institute Chair of International Development and is a professor of economics. He is also associate editor of the Journal of Development Economics and of El Trimestre Economico, Mexico, and is a member of the Executive Committee, Latin American Council of the Social Sciences (CLACSO). His most recent book, Latin American Experiments in Neoconservative Economics, was published in June 1983 by the University of California Press. He is member of the Executive Committee International Economics Association (IEA) for the 1983-86 period.


Wages and Employment in International Recessions: Recent Latin American Experience

Victor E. Tokman

Working Paper #11 - February 1984

Abstract

This paper examines the various economic policy responses of Latin American countries to the international recessions of the 1970s, particularly their impact upon wages and employment. It highlights the diversity of reactions by comparing the cases of small countries with relatively open economies, of medium and large-size economies and of oil-exporting versus non oil exporting countries. The paper argues that despite significantly different conditions and different economic policies, adjustment policies cease to be neutral and tend to affect wages and employment more than other variables. It also explores the effects of the rise in international interest rates on the potential growth of the Latin American economies. Finally, it looks at the specific impact of economic adjustment policies on the labor market in Argentina, Chile, Venezuela, and Costa Rica.

Resumen

Este trabajo examina diversas políticas económicas desarrolladas como respuesta a la recesión internacional de la década del 70, en particular focaliza en los impactos de aquellas sobre salarios y ocupación. Se enfatiza la diversidad de las reacciones a través de las siguientes comparaciones: pequeños países con economías relativamente abiertas y países medianos y grandes, países exportadores de petroleo versus países no exportadores. El papel argumenta que, más allá de significativamente diferentes condiciones estructurales y diferencias en las políticas económicas, las políticas de ajuste no son neutrales y tienden a afectar salarios y niveles de ocupación más que a otras variables. También se exploran los efectos del alza de las tasas de interés internacionales sobre el potencial de crecimiento de las economías latino-americanas. Finalmente, el trabajo observa el impacto específico de las políticas de ajuste económico en los mercados de trabajo en Argentina, Chile, Venezuela, y Costa Rica.


Prepared for presentation at "Crisis and Adjustment: Latin American in the 1980s" speaker series sponsored by the Kellogg Institute and the Economics Department, University of Notre Dame, April 20, 1983.

Víctor E. Tokman is Director of PREALC (Regional Employment Programme for Latin America and the Caribbean), Santiago de Chile.


Change, Rationality and Politics: Some Basic Problems of Method and Theory in Contemporary Socio-Political Science

Fabio Wanderley Reis

Working Paper #10 - January 1984

Abstract

This article explores the connections between basic epistomological problems in the social sciences and the objective of elaborating a theory of politics capable of dealing adequately with the question of change. After discussing some inconsistencies and methodological difficulties in a recent book by Perry Anderson, taken as an example of certain current lines of thought in the social sciences, it examines in some detail the propositions of three outstanding contemporary scholars: Jean Piaget, Karl Popper, and Jürgen Habermas. The impasses of and convergences between these three authors are then confronted with recent works of the approach known as the rational choice model, whose contributions and difficulties are briefly evaluated.

Resume

O trabalho explora as conexões entre problemas epistemológicos básicos das ciências sociais e o objectivo de elaboracão de uma teoria da política capaz de lidar eventualmente de maneira satisfatória com a questão da mudança. Após a exposição das inconsistências e dificuldades metodológicas contidas em volume recente de Pery Anderson, tomado como exemplar relativamente a certas modas correntes das ciéncias sociais, examinam-se com alguma minúcia as propósicões de três destacados estudiosos contemporâneos: Jean Piaget, Karl Popper, e Jürgen Habermas. Os impasses e as convergências detectados na discussão desses três autores são, ao final, postos em confronto com os esforços recentes da corrente conhecida como a abordagem da "rational choice," cujas promessas e dificuldades se procura availiar brevemente.


This article was originally prepared for a conference on Political Science in the Eighties, held at the Instituto de Estudos Econômicos, Sociais e Políticos de São Paulo (IDESP), São Paulo, November 3-6, 1981. Since it is a by-product of a more extensive work presently in progress, I trust I can count upon the readers' good will if the text seems a bit too compact at times. I acknowledge the comments of J. G. Merquior and A. Przeworski on an earlier draft, with the usual "no blame" clause. I am also thankful to Scott Mainwaring's editorial assistance.

Dr. Fabio Wanderley Reis received his M.A. (1970) and his Ph.D. (1974) in Political Science from Harvard University. He holds the rank of Professor at the Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais in Brazil. Dr. Wanderley Reis was Faculty Fellow at the Kellogg Institute for the Fall 1983 semester. Former President of the National Association for Post-Graduate Studies and Research in the Social Sciences, he has published extensively on Brazilian politics. His most recent work, Social Processes in Post-1964 Brazil, is co-authored with Bernardo Sorj et al., and will be published by Manchester University Press.


¿Y a mí que me importa?
Notas sobre sociabilidad y política en Argentina y Brasil

Guillermo O'Donnell

Working Paper #9 - January 1984

Abstract

Starting with some sharply contrasting linguistic usages between Rio de Janeiro and Buenos Aires, in situations of encounters between people of different social classes, and from the already classic analyses of Roberto DaMatta, this essay speculates in some (admittedly) audacious ways about the possible connections between this micro level and more aggregate forms of political behavior in Brazil and Argentina. The essay discusses differences in the authoritarian regimes in the two countries, the level and forms of repression against the popular sectors, and some characteristics of their current political transitions. Without denying important similarities between the two countries, the focus is on contrasts in these and related dimensions, especially those relevant to the current and likely avatars of democracy.

Resumen

Partiendo de ciertos usos linguísticos fuertemente contrastantes entre Rio de Janeiro y Buenos Aires, en ciertas situaciones de encuentro entre personas de diferentes clases sociales, y partiendo de ya clásicos análisis de Roberto Da Matta, el presente ensayo se lanza a una (admitidamente) audaz especulación acerca de posibles conexiones entre aquel plano, estrictamente "micro," y patrones mucho mas agregados de comportamiento político en ambos países. La exploración incluye diferencias observables en los respectivos regímenes autoritarios de Argentina y Brasil, los grados y formas de represión aplicados en esos países contra el sector popular y ciertas características de sus respectivas actuales transiciones politicas. El foco del ensayo, sin negar importantes simituides entre ambos países, es sobre los contrastes observables en esas y conexas dimensiones, sobre todo en lo que ellas pueden sugerirnos respecto de los avatares actuales y probables de la democraia en ellos.


Este es, descaradamente, un ensayo. Su versión originaria la preparé para el Seminario "Oportunidades e Limites da Sociedade Industrial Periférica: o caso do Brasil," (IUPERJ-Berkeley-Stanford), Nova Friburgo, Julio 18-20, 1983. Agradezco los comentarios de Carlos Hasenbalg sobre una anterior versión de este ensayo.

Guillermo O'Donnell, the Academic Director of the Kellogg Institute, holds the Helen Kellogg Chair in International Studies and is a Professor in the Departments of Government and Sociology. He is also a Fellow of IUPERJ, Rio de Janeiro. His book, El Estado Burocrático Autoritario, 1966-1973; Triunfos, Derrotas y Crisis was published by Editorial de Belgrano, Buenos Aires, in 1982.

It was published in English by the University of California Press, Berkeley as Bureaucratic Authoritarianism: Argentina 1966-1973 in Comparative Perspective.


The New Catholic Church in Latin America: A Conference Report

Scott Mainwaring

Working Paper #8 - December 1983

Abstract

This paper is a rapporteur's report from a conference on "The New Catholic Church in Latin America," sponsored by the Kellogg Institute of the University of Notre Dame in April 1983. The conference focused on the changes the Church has undergone during the last 25 years, concentrating on Brazil, Peru, and Nicaragua, countries where the national Church has been particularly important in recent years. In addition to briefly summarizing the conference papers, the report identifies major themes and debates which characterize the current discussion about the Latin American Church. (1) Whereas some participants emphasized the potential the Christian base communities and other grass roots Church groups have to transform the Church and the political order, others argued that these communities are subject to tight hierarchial control and cannot make significant contributions in democratizing society. (2) Some participants view the turn towards the right in the international Church as a well orchestrated, clearly defined trend, while others, despite acknowledging the trend, disputing its magnitude. (3) The significant frictions between the Vatican, CELAM, and the hierarchy and the Nicaraguan revolution point to the continuation of tensions between the Church and revolutionary regimes, but there were debates about the inevitability of these conflicts. (4) Some papers attributed to the Church a high capacity to control the nature and direction of institutional change, while others pay more attention to the way political and social changes shape the Church's institutional identity in ways it does not wholly foresee or control. (5) Several participants addressed the important and under studied question of the role women play in the Church. (6) Several people also addressed the issue of popular religiousity and its linkages to the institutional Church. (7) Finally, participants discussed some of the theoretical and methodological problems in studying such a complex, heterogenous institution.

Resumen

Este trabajo es un informe del seminario sobre "La Nueva Iglesia Católica en América Latina" patrocinado por el Kellogg Institute de la University of Notre Dame, en abril de 1983. El seminario se concentró en los cambios que la Iglesia ha sufrido en los últimos 25 años tomando como ejemplos los casos brasileño, peruano y nicaraguense, dado que en estos países el papel de la Iglesia ha sido particularmente relevante en el perído reciente. Además de un breve resumen del seminario el informe identifica los temas y debates måas significativos que caracterizan la presente discusión sobre la Iglesia latinoamerica. (1) Mientras algunos participantes enfatizaron las potencialidades de las Comunidades eslesiales de base y otros movimentos de base para producir transformaciones en la Iglesia y en el sistema político, otros argumentaron que estas comunidades están sometidas al control de la jerarquía y debido a ello no pueden contribuir significativamente a la democratización de la sociedad. (2) Mietras algunos participantes consideraron el vireaje hacia la derecha en la Iglesia internacional como una tendencia claramente orquestrada y definida, otros, a pesar de reconocer aquella tendencia, minimizaron su magnitud. (3) Las fricciones entre el Varicano, CELAM y el episcopado nicaraguense, de un lado, y la revolución Sandinista, del otro lado, muestran una continuidad de las tensiones entre la Iglesia y los regímenes revolucionarios, aunque hubo discordandias acerca de la inevitabilidad de estos conflictos. (4) Algunos papeles atribuyeron a la Iglesia una alta capacidad para controlar la naturaleza y la dirección del cambio institucional, mientras otros apuntaron hacia el modo en que los cambios políticos y sociales redefinieron la identidad institucional de la Iglesia de un modo no totalmente previsto o controlado. (5) Se señaló la importancia de estudiar el rol de la mujer en la Iglesia. (6) Se destacó la cuestión de la religiosidad popular y sus vínculos con la Iglesia institucional. (7) Finalmente, los participantes discutieron algunos problemas metodológicos específicos al estudio de la Iglesia.


Scott Mainwaring is a Junior Fellow of the Kellogg Institute and Assistant Professor of Government at Notre Dame for the 1983-85 period. He received his Ph.D. from Stanford University in July 1983. His forthcoming book on "The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil, 1916-1982," emphasizes grass roots movements, the Church's work with the popular classes, and its role in the contemporary political liberalization process. He has published several articles on Brazil and Argentina.


Proposal for the Study of the Church's Role in the 1964 Brazilian Political Crisis

Paulo Krischke

Working Paper #7 - December, 1983

Abstract

This paper discusses the Church's role in the 1964 political crisis in Brazil. It attempts to explain why, after supporting the populist regime from 1956 to 1963, the Church moved into the opposition and helped undermine this regime. The paper proposes a theoretical approach for studying the Church's political role which draws upon Gramsci, Habermas, and Bloch.

Resumen

Este trabajo discute el papel de la Iglesia en la crisis política brasileña de 1964. Se intenta explicar el cambio en la posición de la Iglesia en 1963: después de haber apoyado el régimen populista en el perfodo 1956-63 pasó a la oposición y contribuyó al derrocamiento de aquel. Este trabajo propone un enfogue teórico para el estudio del paper político de la Iglesia, construido a partir de Gramsci, Habermas, y Bloch.


Dr. Krischke received his Ph.D. in Political Science from York University (Canada) in 1983. He was Editor of the Revista de Cultura e Política (CEDEC) and of LARU Studies (Toronto). Professor Krischke has held the position of Researcher at various important centers in Latin America, including IESE (Instituto de Estudios Socioeconómicos) in Santiago and CERIS (Centro de Estadística Religiosa e Investigações Sociais) in Rio de Janeiro. At present Dr. Krischke is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo.


The Catholic Youth Workers Movement (JOC) and the Emergence of the Popular Church in Brazil

Scott Mainwaring

Working Paper #6 - December 1983

Abstract

This paper traces the history of the Catholic Youth Workers movement (JOC) of Brazil during the 1958-1970 period and analyzes JOC's contributions to the transformation of the Brazilian Catholic Church. During the period under consideration, JOC was one of the most important lay movements in Brazil. It was also one of the most important precursors to the popular Church which flourished during the 1970s. JOC itself virtually died out in 1970, a victim of strong repression from the military regime and insufficient support from the bishops. But the movement helped introduce a kind of faith and pedagogical practices which would conquer increasing space within the Brazilian Church. In this regard, it helped transform an institution noted for being hierarchical, authoritarian, and unresponsive to grass roots or lay movements.

At a theoretical level, the paper attempts to make two principal contributions. First, it emphasizes the importance grass roots and lay movements had in the transformation of the Brazilian Church. Second, it argues that analysis of changes in a lay movement like JOC should focus both on the movement's linkages to the Church and to the society as a whole, especially the working class.

Resumen

Este trabajo analiza la historia de la Juventud Obrera Católica de Brasil durante el período 1958-70, focalizando las contribuciones de la JOC en el proceso de transformación de la Iglesia Católica Brasileña. Durante el período aquí considerado la JOC fue uno de los más importantes movimientos laicos en Brasil y uno de los más importantes precursores de la Iglesia popular que floreció en la década del 70. Aunque la JOC desaparecióen 1970-víctima de la fuerte represión del régimen militar y del insuficiente apoyo del episcopado-su lucha contribuyó a introducir una nueva concepción de fe y prácticas pedagógicas que conquistarían espacio creciente dentro de la Iglesia brasileña. En este sentido la JOC cuestionó una institución caracterizada historicamente por sus jerarquías rígidas, el autoritarismo y el control sobre los movimientos de base.

A nivel teórico, el trabajo intenta aportar en dos áreas. En primer lugar, enfatiza la mportancia que los movimientos de base y laicos han tenido en la transformación de la Iglesia brasileña. En segundo lugar, argumenta que el análistis de los cambios en un movimiento laico como la JOC debería focalizar sus vínculos con la Iglesia y la sociedad global, especialmente la clase obera.


Scott Mainwaring is a Junior Fellow of the Kellogg Institute and Assistant Professor of Government at Notre Dame for the 1983-85 period. He received his Ph.D. from Stanford University in July 1983. His forthcoming book on "The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil, 1916-1982," emphasizes grass roots movements, the Church's work with the popular classes, and its role in the contemporary political liberalization process. He has published several articles on Brazil and Argentina. This paper was originally prepared for the conference on "The New Church in Latin America," sponsored by the Kellogg Institute, April 22-24, 1983.


Varieties of Faith: Religion in Contemporary Nicaragua

Margaret E. Crahan

Working Paper #5 - December 1983

Abstract

The current ideological struggle in Nicaragua between the Sandinistas and their opponents is focused, to a considerable degree, in and on the Catholic Church. Shedding their traditional conservative image in the 1970s, Catholic clerics and laypeople became heavily involved in the movement to overthrow Somoza and establish a more equitable society. Drawing on the conclusions of the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965) and the Latin American Bishops Conference at Medellin, Colombia in 1968, progressive churchpeople helped mobilize support for the Sandinista movement. Such efforts were strongly legitimized when in June 1979 the Nicaraguan bishops publicly declared their support for the insurrection on the grounds that the Somoza government was not licit given its frequent violation of civil/political rights, as well as social and economic rights.

Since the overthrow of Somoza in July, 1979, political and ideological differences within the Catholic Church have reasserted themselves, particularly over the Marxist tendencies of some of the Sandinista leadership. Certainly tension is high not only between the Catholic hierarchy and the government, but also between progressive and conservative churchpeople. The former continue to support and cooperate with the government and include several priests who hold high public office. They also include a good number of foreign missionaries. The conservatives include most of the bishops and Nicaraguan clergy. The outcome of the current conflicts involving the Catholic Church is not yet clear. What is, however, obvious is that while the Catholic Church is no longer a staunch ally of the status quo, neither is it unified in support of revolutionary movements.

Resumen

La presente lucha ideológica en Nicaragua entre los Sandinistas y sus opositores está focalizado, en gran parte, en la Iglesia católica. Abandonando su imagen tradicionalmente conservadora, en la década del 70 los católicos (Clérigos y laicos) se fueron comprometiendo fuertemente en el movimiento para derrocar a Somoza y construir una sociedad más justa. Basándose en las conclusiones del Segundo Concilio Vaticano (1962-65) y en Conferencia del Episcopado Latinoamericano de Medellín (Colombia, 1968), los católicos progresistas se constituyeron en soporte del movimiento Sandinista. Tales esfuerzos fueron plenamente legitimados en junio de 1979, ocasión en que los obispos nicaraguenses declararon públicamente su apoyo a la insurrección basándose en la ilegitimidad del govierno somozista, a la luz de sus frecuentes violaciones de los derechos civiles, políticos y sociales.

Desde el derrocamiento de Somoza, en julio de 1979, las diferencias políticas e ideológicas dentro de la Iglesia católica se han reafirmado, particularmente en lo que respecta a las tendencias marxistas de algunos dirigentes Sandinistas. Las tensiones son fuertes, no solo entre la jerarquía católica y el gobierno, como también entre los sectores progresista y conservador de la Iglesia. Los primeros continuan apoyando y cooperando con el gobiero, Ilegando algunos sacerdotes a ocupar altos cargos gobernamentales. Un importante contingente de misionarios extranjeros forma parte, también, del sector progresista, pero la mayoria de los obispos y sacerdotes son conservadores. El resultado del presente conflicto en el interior de la Iglesia católica es aún imprevisible, pero sin duda ella ha adquirido una nueva identidad. Ha dejado de ser un firme aliado de los sectores dominantes, aunque esto no implique que apoye unificadamente a los movimientos revolucionarios.


Margaret E. Crahan is currently Luce Professor of Religion, Power, and Political Processes at Occidental College. She is also a member of the Department of History, Herbert H. Lehman College, City University of New York. Dr. Crahan received her doctorate from Columbia University and has done field work in Peru, Colombia, Cuba, Mexico, Spain, and Switzerland on topics that span the seventeenth to twentieth centuries in Latin America. Her publications include studies of Spanish colonial administration, church-state relations, religion and politics, twentieth century Cuba, and African cultural heritage in the Caribbean. Dr. Crahan has served on the Executive Council of the Latin American Studies Association, as Vice-President of the Latin American Foundation,and on the Board of Directors of the Washington Office on Latin America. Her most recent book is Human Rights and Basic Needs in the Americas (1982). This paper was originally presented at the conference on "The New Church in Latin America," sponsored by the Kellogg Institute, April 22-24, 1983.


Anotacões para um Estudo Sobre Populismo Catolico e Educacão no Brasil

Vanilda Paiva

Working Paper #4 - December 1983

Abstract

This text establishes a relationship between pedagogical populism found in Brazilian university circles dating from the middle 1960s and tendencies already present in popular educational movements of the 1950s, thereby tying the two to "Catholic populism." This latter tendency is characterized by veneration of the "Simple folk," source of cultural and political truth of the nation. Its origins go back to a current of the nationalist-developmentalist-ideology present in the writings of Vieira Pinto in which the influence of Christian existentialism is especially strong. This current is translated into a plan for popular pedagogy in the work of Paulo Freire. The populist characteristics have been radicalized in the second half of the 1970s through the writings of the NOVA group which acts as a guiding light to the popular movement. This article undertakes a comparison of the ideological models which are manifested in publications by NOVA, and those anarchists tendencies of Russian populism of the 19th century, thereby drawing out some of the political consequences of their diffusion in modern-day Brazil.

Resumen

Este texto relaciona el "populismo pedagogico" que se encuentra en los medios universitarios brasileños desde la segunda mitad de los años 60 con tendencias presentes en los movimientos de educación popular a partir de los años 50, vinculando ambos al "populismo católico." Este último es caracterizado por la veneración del "pueblo simple," fuente de la verdad cultural y política de la nación, y sus orígenes se remontan a una vertiente de la ideología del nacionalismo-desarrollista-presente en los libros de Vieira Pinto-en el cual la influencia del existencialismo cristiano es especialmente fuerte. Esta vertiente de dicha ideología se tradució en el plan de una pedagogía popular en la obra de Paulo Freire. Los rasgos populistas identificables en estos autores han sido radicalizados en la segunda mitad de los aõs 70 através de los escritos de los integrantes del grupo NOVA de asesoría al movimento popular. El presente texto hace una comparación de los padrones ideológicos que se manifiestan en las publicaciones del NOVA y los de la tendencia anarquista del populismo ruso del siglo XIX, extrayendo algunas de las consecuencias políticas de su difusión en el Brasil de hoy.


Vanilda Paiva was a Fellow of the Kellogg Institute from January to May 1983. She is a research fellow at the Centro João XXIII in Rio de Janeiro and Professor of the Department of Social Sciences Applied to Education, University of Campinas. She received her Ph.D.in Germany and has published extensively on popular education, Paulo Freire, and the Catholic Church, among other subjects.


Strategy, Institutions and "The Autonomy of the Political"

Fábio Wanderley Reis

Working Paper #3 - December 1983

Abstract

As its ultimate objective, this paper attempts to place in a more fruitful perspective the comparative study of problems linked to authoritarianism in different forms, particularly the apparent convergences between some Latin American and European state structures, the central theme of the working group of the 1982 World Congress of the International Political Science Association for which the paper was originally written. The paper begins with an attempt to reexamine the notion of politics, based on the exploration of the consequences of known propositions of Jürgen Habermas. From there it moves to the discussion of problems connected to formulate the question of the relationships between different analytic "dimensions," particularly the contrast between the so-called "political institutional" level and the level of the "base" or "substructure." The text then indicates the relevance of the proposed reformulation for a theory of change which could serve for comparative purposes, with attention to questions currently associated with the general theme of authoritarianism.

Resume

O trabalho tem como objectivo último o de procurar colocar em perspectiva mais frutífera o estudo comparativo de problemas ligados ao autoritarismo em diferentes formas, particularmente das aparentes convergências em certas estreuturas estatais latino-americanas e européias, tema central do grupo de estudo do congresso mundial de 1982 da IPSA para o qual foi elaborado. Parte-se da tentativa de reexaminar a própria noção de política, com base na exploração das conseqüências de proposições conhecidas de Jürgen Habermas. Passa-se daí para a discussão de dificuldades ligadas à idéia de "autonomia do político" e para a tentativa de reformular a questáo das relações entre diferentes "dimensões" analíticas, em especial o contraste entre o chamado nível "político-institucional" e o Nível da "base" ou "substrato." A relevância da reformulação proposta para uma teoria da mudança capaz de servir a objectivos comparativos é indicada em seguida, com atenção para questões correntemente associadas ao tema geral do autoritarismo.


This paper was originally presented to the session on "Representation, the Institutional and the Autonomy of the Political" at the International Political Science Association, Rio de Janeiro World Congress, August 9-14, 1982. Members of that study group were also at the conference on "Issues on Democracy and Democratization: North and South," held in November 1983 at the Kellogg Institute, where some of the problems addressed in the paper were again discussed. Scott Mainwaring kindly tried to improve my English prose, but should not be blamed for the result.

Dr. Fábio Wanderley Reis received his M.A. (1970) and his Ph.D. (1974) in Political Science from Harvard University. He holds the rank of Professor at the Universidad Federal de Minas Gerais in Brazil. Dr. Wanderley Reis was Faculty Fellow at the Kellogg Institute for the Fall 1983 semester. Former President of the National Association for Post-Graduate Studies and Research in the Social Sciences, he has published extensively on Brazilian politics.

His most recent work, Social Processes in Post-1964 Brazil, is co-authored with Bernardo Sorj et al., and was published by Manchester University Press.


Democracia en la Argentina: micro y macro

Guillermo O'Donnell

Working Paper #2 - December 1983

Abstract

In this paper the author discusses some results of an unorthodox research project carried out with Cecilia Galli about aspects of daily life in Buenos Aires in 1979, during the aegis of the authoritarian regime which came to power in 1976. The paper's first argument is that for many of those who were interviewed, the uncertainty, violence, and capilar character of the political repression of that period had important consequences in causing a depoliticization and (unconscious) decision to overlook the worst aspects of the repression. The second argument is that, even though everything suggests that these characteristics have changed in recent years and notwithstanding the striking failure of the military regime in other areas, the repression may have had subtle but important consequences on the level of authoritarianism and repressiveness present in different social contexts. The essay finishes arguing that although greater societal democratization is neither a necessary nor sufficient conditions for the implementation of a democratic regime, it may be a necessary condition for its long term consolidation and extension.

Resume

En este ensayo el autor discute algunos resultados de una poco ortodoxa investigación que llevó a cabo, junto con Cecília Galli, sobre aspectos de la vida cotidiana en Buenos Aires en 1979, durante el auge del régimen autoritario implantado en 1976. El primer argumento del texto es que la incertidumbre, violencia y capilaridad de la represión política por entonces aplicada, tuvo importantes consecuencias en cuanto al agudo grado de despolitización y decisión (inconsciente) de ignorar los peores aspectos de esa represión por parte de no pocos de los entrevistados. El segundo argumento es que, si bien todo indica que esas características se han modificado en los últimos tiempos, no debe dejarse de lado la posibilidad de que, sin perjuicio del estrepitoso fracaso de aguél régimen en otros planos, la mencionada represión puede haber tenido sutiles pero importantes consecuencias en los grados de autoritarismo y represividad existantes en diversos contextos sociales. El ensayo termina argumentando que, si bien es claro que una mayor democraticidad de la sociedad no es condición necesaria ni suficiente para la implantación de un regimen democrático, bien puede ser condición necesaria para su consolidación y extensón a más largo plazo.


The original version of this paper was prepared for the meeting on "Political System and Democratization," organized by the Asociación de Estudios de la Realidad Argentina (AERA), Buenos Aires, August 1983.

Guillermo O'Donnell, the Academic Director of the Kellogg Institute, holds the Helen Kellogg Chair in International Studies and is a Professor in the Departments of Government and Sociology. he is also a Fellow of IUPERJ, Rio de Janeiro. His most recent book, El Estado Burocrático Autoritario, 1966-73; Triunfos, Derrotas y Crisis was published by Editorial de Belgrano, Buenos Aires, in 1982. It was published in English by the University of California Press, Berkeley as Bureaucratic Authoritarianism: Argentina 1966-1973 in Comparative Perspective (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988).


Enfoques Ortodojos para el Ajuste Economico de Corto Plazo: Lecciones de la Experiencia y Temas de Investigacion

Alejandro Foxley

Working Paper #1 - December 1983

Abstract

This paper deals with short-term macro-economic adjustment policies in countries with high rates of inflation. It concentrates on one type of adjustment policies, identified as "orthodox" or "monetarist" stabilization policies, and focuses on Latin American Southern Cone type of economies. Although we describe a stylized case in the paper, we make clear in the Appendix that this stylized case is based on empirical facts observed in post-1973 Chile and post-1976 Argentina.

The first section of the paper identifies the theoretical framework and three principal phases observed in current orthodox adjustment policies in Latin America. Phase One is characterized by deregulation of prices, monetary contraction, and exchange rate devaluation. The theoretical reference for this phase is the so-called "closed economy monetarism." Phase Two corresponds to price de-indexation and reflects an attempt to rapidly reduce the rate of inflation, which proved unfeasible under Phase One policies. The nominal exchange rate and public utilities rate lag behind inflation, causing a real deterioration in the value of these variable, which is reinforced by a drastic reduction in tariffs. Phase Three is achieved once the domestic rate of inflation approaches international inflationary rates. Then, the nominal exchange rate is fixed and, under the assumption of the small open economy model, full automatic adjustment of the economy is expected. The theoretical basis for this phase is the so-called monetary approach to the balance of payments, or open economy monetarism.

The second section of the paper examines the behavior of our stylized economy vis-à-vis these various policy approaches. Phase One proves successful in turning around the deficitary balance of payments but fails in bringing the rate of inflation down significantly. Contractionary demand policies result in severe reduction in output and employment levels rather than in a deceleration of inflation. Excess supply in the goods and labor markets induce imbalance in other markets as well. Interest rates go up, typically four or five times the international rate in real terms, as a result of monetary contraction and sustained demand for credit on the part of firms in order to finance their stocks during what they perceive as a short-lived recession. This phase ends with generalized disequilibrium in the economy.

Phase Two, "price de-indexation," may lead to a successful outcome in terms of reducing inflation and in this case, it leads to Phase Three. An alternative scenario is possible, however, in which the rate of domestic inflation does not converge to the international one.

Phase Three begins with positive signs. Fixing the exchange rate has an immediate effect on domestic prices and inflation goes down to an "acceptable" two-digital level. Given slightly expansionary monetary policy in nominal terms and nominal wage readjustment geared to past inflation, real cash balances and real wages go up. Output picks up and the economy shows signs of coming out of the recession. Financial de-regulation and opening up to external credit produce a massive inflow of short and medium term financial capital that provides an additional stimulus to effective demand in the economy. But the real exchange rate deteriorates sharply due to a persistent divergence between domestic and international rates of inflation, and the economy runs a large deficit in the current account, matched by a surplus in the capital account. The process continues until the size of the current account deficit makes the fixed exchange rate policy not credible. Debt indicators also deteriorate sharply. These factors first induce a slowing down in the inflow of foreign funds and eventually a net outflow. The government is then forced to devalue, but the devaluation comes too late and is perceived by economic agents as insufficient. A run against the Peso in now underway, which shows in an accelerating loss of foreign exchange reserves. In order to stop the process, the government decides on drastic contractionary measures that inaugurate a new and deeper recession. In desperation, the government also resorts to the same type of controls that the monetarist, free-market policy had been designed to eliminate in the first place.

Some lessons from this experience are drawn in the third section of this paper, where we also indicate some of the themes of high priority on a research agenda on the subject.

An appendix presents an empirical study of the Chilean and Argentine cases that served as background for this paper.


Alejandro Foxley holds the Helen Kellogg Institute Chair of International Development and is a professor economics. He is also associate editor of the Journal of Development Economics and of El Trimestre Economico, Mexico, and is a member of the Executive Committee, Latin American Council of the Social Sciences (CLACSO). His most recent book, Latin American Experiments in Neoconservative Economics, was published in June 1983 by the University of California Press. Appointed member Executive Committee International Economic Association (IEA) for period 1983-1986. The Committee will be presided by Professor Kenneth Arrow, a Nobel Laureate in Economics from Stanford University.


 

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