Working Papers - 1997 (#235 - #245)

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Liberals, Radicals, and Women's Citizenship in Chile, 1872-1930

Erika Maza Valenzuela

Working Paper #245 - November 1997

Abstract

This paper analyzes women's organizations in the anticlerical-and middle- to upper-class-segment of Chilean society from the late nineteenth century to 1930. It focuses on their leaders' positions regarding women's rights, especially the suffrage. The feminist organizations within the anticlerical segment developed later than the Catholic ones and they had less contact with women in the popular sectors. These organizations had varying degrees of anticlericalism. Some of their members were free thinkers, a few were Protestant, and many of them were Catholics who were critical of the clergy's influence in society and politics. This paper shows that, during the period studied here, the anticlerical leaders, both men and women, were opposed to granting women full suffrage rights. They argued that, before voting, women should be given their civil rights and access to secular education under state auspices. However, even after the Civil Code had been partially modified and the number of women with secular secondary education had become roughly equal to that of men in the mid 1920s, anticlerical leaders still only supported the vote for women in municipal elections. By enfranchising women only for local elections, anticlerical leaders-Liberals and Radicals-sought to 'educate' women politically while preventing them from tipping the balance of forces benefiting the Conservative Party in legislative and presidential elections. Catholic-Conservatives had been more inclusive of women in education, social life, and politics since the mid-nineteenth century, and for this reason they had a greater capacity to appeal for women's votes.

Resumen

Este trabajo examina las organizaciones del sector anticlerical de clase media y alta de la sociedad chilena desde fines del siglo XIX hasta 1930. Enfatiza las posiciones que asumieron respecto a los derechos de la mujer, en especial al sufragio. Las organizaciones feministas del sector anticlerical se desarrollaron más tardíamente que las católicas y tenían menos contacto con mujeres de los sectores populares. Estas organizaciones variaban en cuanto a la intensidad de su anticlericalismo. Algunas de sus miembras y simpatizantes eran libre pensadoras o protestantes, aunque muchas eran católicas que criticaban la infuencia del clero en la sociedad y en la política. Este trabajo muestra que, durante el período estudiado, los líderes anticlericales, tanto hombres como mujeres, se oponían a que las mujeres obtuvieran el sufragio pleno. Argüían que antes de obtener el derecho a voto, las mujeres debían gozar de derechos civiles y tener acceso a una educación secular auspiciada por el Estado. Sin embargo, aún después de que el Códiigo Civil había sido parcialmente modificado y que la educación secundaria secular y estatal de las mujeres había alcanzado niveles semejantes al de los hombres a medialdos de 1920, los líderes anticlericales sólo apoyaron el voto femenino a nivel municipal. Con la extensión del sufragio femenino sólo para las elecciones locales, los líderes anticlericales pretendían 'educar' políticamente a las mujeres sin correr el riesgo que ellas alteraran el equilibrio electoral en beneficio del Partido Conservador en las elecciones presidenciales y parlamentarias. El sector Católico-Conservador había incluído mucho más a las mujeres en la educación, vida social y política desde medialdos del siglo XIX, y por esta razón tenía una mayor capacidad para atraer el voto femenino a sus candidaturas.


This paper is now available in a Spanish version in Estudios Públicos 69 (Summer 1998).


A Classification of Latin American Political Parties

Michael Coppedge

Working Paper #244 - November 1997

Abstract

This working paper reports the percentage of the total valid vote won by various ideological blocs in twentieth-century Latin American elections. Those included are lower-chamber or constituent assembly elections for Argentina 1912-95, Bolivia 1956-93, Brazil 1945-94, Chile 1915-93, Colombia 1931-94, Costa Rica 1948-94, Ecuador 1947-94, Mexico 1961-94, Peru 1978-95, Uruguay 1917-94, and Venezuela 1947-93. The paper also provides detailed documentation for the classification of the 97 percent of the vote won by about 800 of the approximately 1,200 parties that contested these elections. Each party is classified as left, center-left, center, center-right, or right and Christian or secular; or as personalist, other, or unknown. Fifty-three country specialists provided the author with information and opinions to help improve the reliability of the coding.

Resumen

Este documento de trabajo registra los porcentajes del total de votos válidos obtenidos por varios bloques ideológicos en elecciones latinoamericanas en el Siglo XX. Se incluyen elecciones para la cámara baja o asambleas constituyentes en Argentina 1912-95, Bolivia 1956-93, Brazil 1945-94, Chile 1915-93, Colombia 1931-94, Costa Rica 1948-94, Ecuador 1947-94, Mexico 1961-94, Peru 1978-95, Uruguay 1917-94, y Venezuela 1947-93. El documento también provee información detallada para la clasificación del 97 por ciento de los votos obtenidos por cerca de ochocientos de los aproximadamente mil doscientos partidos que participaron de estas elecciones. Cada partido es clasificado como de izquierda, centro-izquierda, centro, centro-derecha o derecha y como cristiano o secular; o bien como personalista, otro o desconocido. Cincuenta y tres especialistas en cada uno de estos países proveyeron al autor información y opiniones para ayudar a mejorar la confiabilidad de la codificación.


APEC: Beyond Economics the Politics of APEC

Frank Langdon and Brian L. Job

Working Paper #243 - October 1997

Abstract

This paper deals with the history, formation, and objectives of APEC. It describes the tensions between the Anglo-Saxon and the East Asian APEC members and the clashes of interests between the large and small and developed and less developed nations, which show how precarious the formation of APEC was. Within the short term APEC does not seem destined to become an overarching regional, political, security, and economic institution. Indeed, certain forces within the region, such as increased arms acquisitions in some states, friction arising over trade disputes, protectionism, and investment flows, and tension between China and Taiwan, could hinder the objectives of the organization. It remains possible that the very process of finding common ground through APEC may contribute more to fostering community and to ensuring security in the region than the proposals actually agreed upon by all member nations.

Resumen

Este artículo trata la historia, formación y objetivos de APEC (Cooperación Económica de países de Asia en el Pacífico). En el se describen las tensiones entre los miembros anglo-sajones y este-asiáticos de APEC así como los choques de intereses entre naciones grandes y pequeñas, desarrolladas y menos desarrolladas, lo que demuestra cuán precaria fue la formación de APEC. En el corto plazo, APEC no parece destinada a convertirse en una institución política, económica y de seguridad regionalmente abarcadora. En efecto, ciertas fuerzas en la región, tales como el aumento en la adquisición de armas por parte de ciertos estados, la fricción resultante de disputas comerciales, el proteccionismo y los flujos de inversión, y la tensión entre China y Taiwán, podrían obstaculizar el alcance de los objetivos de la organización. Sigue siendo posible que el proceso de encuentro de un terreno común a través de APEC contribuya más a fomentar la comunión y a garantizar seguridad en la región que las propuestas a las que los países miembros efectivamente prestaron su acuerdo.


This paper is now available in Economic Cooperation and Integration: East Asian Experiences, eds. Kwan S. Kim and Robert J. Riemer (UND, 1997).


La Constitución de de 1980 y el Inicio de la Redemocratización en Chile

J. Samuel Valenzuela

Working Paper #242 - September 1997

Abstract

It is unusual for an authoritarian regime to write a constitution which then becomes, against the ruler's wishes, the vehicle for a transition to democracy. And yet this is precisely what occurred in Chile. This paper examines in some detail the origins of the Constitution of 1980 which was enacted by General Augusto Pinochet at the height of his power, and the for him unexpected changes that it underwent subsequently. It also discusses the reasons why the opposition to the dictatorship changed its position from denouncing the constitution as illegitimate to supporting it as the medium for the change of regime. The paper argues that although the Constitution of 1980 continues to be the basic charter for Chile's refound democracy, this apparent continuity is in fact a trompe l'oeuil which both supporters and opponents of the former military regime hold to for reasons of symbolic politics. The text of the constitution has undergone many fundamental changes since 1980. And noting the difference between the constitutional text and constitutional practices, the paper argues that past practices from the Chilean constitutional tradition inform the interpretation of the current text.

Resumen

No es usual que un régimen autoritario escriba una constitución que luego se convierte, contra los deseos del dictador, en el medio para la transición democrática, pero es precisamente lo que ocurrió en Chile. Este ensayo examina con cierto detalle los orígenes de la Constitución de 1980, que fue promulgada por el General Pinochet cuando estaba en lo más álgido de su poder, y los cambios posteriores y para él inesperados que ésta tuvo. Discute las razones por las cuales la oposición a la dictadura cambió su actitud desde denunciar la constitución por ilegítima a apoyarla por permitir el cambio de régimen. El artículo indica que aunque la Constitución de 1980 sigue siendo la ley básica para la recreación de la democracia en Chile, esta continuidad aparente es de hecho un trompe l'oeuil que tanto los que apoyaron como los que se opusieron al régimen militar anterior mantienen for razones de política simbólica. El texto de la constitución ya ha sido cambiado en muchos aspectos fundamentales desde 1980. E indicando la diferencia entre texto y prácticas constitucionales, el artículo sostiene que las prácticas legadas de la tradición constitucional chilena informan la interpretación del texto actual.


This paper is now available in Crisis de representatividad y sistemas de partidos politicos, ed. Torcuato de Tella (Nuevo Hacer/Buenos Aires: Grupo Editor Latinoamericano, 1998).


Open Regionalism: Lessons from Latin America for East Asia

Clark W. Reynolds

Working Paper #241 - August 1997

Abstract

This paper argues that we should expect the type of regionalism embodied by APEC to result in pure trade creation as opposed to trade diversion. The author emphasizes gains from trade that are not traditionally taken into account: the decrease in transaction costs from the reduction in red tape and the opportunity to exploit increasing returns to scale due to the expansion in market size accompanying the fall of regional barriers. In addition, the diffusion of the gains from trade throughout the population-via increased job opportunities and better wages-should result in an increase in aggregate demand that will increase the market size still further and-if increasing returns to scale are present-allow leverage costs of production to drop even lower, thus rendering the regional output still more competitive. He cautions, however, that there is absolutely no guarantee that real wages will rise with trade liberalization. Liberalization will increase labor demand but it may also increase labor supply by eliminating jobs in the agricultural sector: the result could be a fall in real wages. In consequence, he advocates skills training for dislocated labor and recommends that, rather than wait passively for the market to absorb excess labor, governments should, if necessary, bolster labor demand via infrastructure building projects.

Resumen

Este artículo argumenta que es de esperar que el tipo de regionalismo encarnado por APEC resulte en pura creación, en lugar de desvío, de comercio. El autor enfatiza ganancias comerciales que no son tradicionalmente tenidas en cuenta: la caída en los costos de transacción resultante de la reducción en intervenciones burocráticas y la oportunidad de explotar los crecientes rendimientos a escala debidos a la expansión en el tamaño de los mercados que acompaña la caída de la barreras regionales. Además, la difusión de las ganancias comerciales hacia toda la población-a través del incremento de las oportunidades de empleo y mejores salarios-debería resultar en un incremento en la demanda agregada que aumentaría aún más el tamaño del mercado y-si aparecieran rendimientos a escala crecientes-permitiría que los costos de producción cayeran aún más, haciendo de este modo al producto regional aún más competitivo. El autor advierte, sin embargo, que no hay absolutamente ninguna garantía que los salarios reales vayan a aumentar con la liberalización del comercio. La liberalización va a aumentar la demanda de trabajo, pero también la oferta, a través de la eliminación de puestos en el sector agrícola: el resultado puede ser una caída en los salarios reales. En consecuencia, el autor se manifiesta en favor del entrenamiento de la fuerza de trabajo desplazada y recomienda que, en lugar de esperar pasivamente que el mercado absorba la fuerza de trabajo excedente, los gobiernos estimulen, de ser necesario, la demanda de trabajo a través de proyectos de construcción de infraestructura.


This paper is now available in Economic Cooperation and Integration: East Asian Experiences, eds. Kwan S. Kim and Robert J. Riemer (UND, 1997).


An Asean Perspective on APEC

Yoji Akashi

Working Paper #240 - August 1997

Abstract

This paper presents the history of APEC in terms of the different goals and fears of the participants and their perceptions of each others' agendas. The author contrasts the Western approach, as exemplified by the US push to institutionalize APEC and introduce binding, formal agreements, with the 'Asian way,' which emphasizes consensus, consultation, and flexibility. By reaching a better understanding of why various key players acted as they did in the past, the author seeks to provide a guide to what should and should not be expected regarding the breadth, specificity, and enforcement mechanisms of future regionwide trade agreements in the Pacific Rim.

Resumen

Este artículo presenta la historia de la Cooperación Económica de Países de Asia en el Pacífico (APEC) en términos de las diferentes metas y miedos de los participantes y de sus percepciones acerca de los planes de cada uno. El autor contrasta la aproximación al tema occidental-tal como la ejemplifica la insistencia de los Estados Unidos para institucionalizar APEC e introducir acuerdos formales y vinculantes-con el 'modo asiático,' que enfatiza el consenso, la consulta y la flexibilidad. Entendiendo mejor por qué varios actores clave actuaron del modo en que lo hicieron en el pasado, el autor procura proveer una guía acerca de que debería y que no debería esperarse en relación con el alcance, la especificidad, y la aplicación de los mecanismos de futuros acuerdos comerciales regionales en la cuenca del Pacífico.


Yoji Akashi, Professor Emeritus of International Relations at Nanzan University, Nagoya, Japan, specializes in Southeast Asia studies. From 1977 to 1985 he was Director of the Center for Japanese Studies at Nanzan and from 1985 to 1990 he was Dean of the Office of International Studies and Programs. He has been a visiting professor at the Universities of Malaya (Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia), Nairobi, Zambia, and Tanzania.

This paper is now available in Economic Cooperation and Integration: East Asian Experiences, eds. Kwan S. Kim and Robert J. Riemer (UND, 1997).


Macro Comparisons Without the Pitfalls: A Protocol for Comparative Research

J. Samuel Valenzuela

Working Paper #239 - April 1997

Abstract

Comparative analysis is, with statistical and case study approaches, one of the three main tools for studying macrophenomena in the social sciences. This paper begins by delimiting its essential characteristics in contrast to the other two approaches, noting that it owes much of its strength to cases studies even though it focuses, like statistical methods, on explaining how phenomena vary, producing both similarities and differences among cases (the complex configurations of variables where the phenomena are studied). The paper then presents a protocol of research steps that must be followed in order to minimize the possibilities of error in using comparative analysis. It is easy to fall prey to such errors, given the many variables that must be examined in a smaller number of cases-the defining feature of this form of analysis. Juan Linz's work is frequently mentioned as among the most insightful in comparative analysis because it has followed, avant la lettre, the protocol presented here.

Resumen

El análisis comparado es, junto a los estudios estadísticos y de casos, una de las tres herramientas básicas de las ciencias sociales para estudiar los fenómenos macrosociales. Este artículo comienza con una discusión de sus características esenciales contrastándolas con las otras dos metodologías. Señala que el análisis comparado se apoya considerablemente en los estudios de casos, aunque trata, al igual que las aproximaciones estadísticas, de explicar cómo y por qué varían los fenómenos estudiados, produciendo tanto similitudes como diferencias entre los casos (las configuraciones complejas de variables en las cuales se estudian los fenómenos). El artículo presenta a continuación un protocolo de pasos que deben seguirse para minimizar las posibilidades de cometer errores al usar el análisis comparado. Es fácil caer en estos errores dada la gran cantidad de variables que se deben examinar en un número más reducido de casos-característica definitoria de este tipo de análisis. Se hace frecuentemente mención a la obra de Juan Linz, ya que su uso incisivo de la metodología comparada ha seguido, avant la lettre, el protocolo que se presenta aquí.


J. Samuel Valenzuela is Professor of Sociology and Fellow of the Kellogg Institute at the University of Notre Dame. He was formerly on the faculty at Yale and Harvard Universities and has been a Visiting Fellow and Senior Associate Fellow at St. Antony's College, Oxford University. He has held fellowships from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the John Simon Guggenheim Foundation. He is the author of Democratización vía reforma: La expansión del sufragio en Chile and (with Erika Maza Valenzuela) of Religion, Class, and Gender: Constructing Electoral Institutions in Party Politics in Chile (from the University of Notre Dame Press and Macmillan). He has edited or coedited four books and written over three dozen articles for journals and books on the intersections between labor and politics, democratization in the nineteenth century and out of contemporary authoritarian regimes, and social change.

Valenzuela wrote a first version of this paper at Columbia University in preparation for research on comparative labor movement formation. This version is based on talks given in 1995 and 1996 at the Sociology Departments of the Universities of Pennsylvania and Stockholm. He thanks Erika Maza Valenzuela and Robert Fishman for help in sharpening its focus. He also wishes to extend his appreciation to many colleagues who have reacted over the years to his presentation of the approach to comparative analysis presented here, especially Elijah Anderson, David Collier, Marta Gil-Swedberg, Jeffrey Goodwin, Peter Hedstrøm, Walter Korpi, Orlando Patterson, Allan Silver, Theda Skocpol, Richard Swedberg, Charles Tilly, and Harrison White. His gratitude goes as well to the John Simon Guggenheim Foundation, whose fellowship allowed him to put these ideas into article form, and to the Latin American Center at St. Antony's College, Oxford University, for its academic hospitality while he was writing this version. This paper is also in Politics, Society, and Democracy: Latin America, eds. S. Mainwaring and A. Valenzuela (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997).


Indigenous Politics And Democracy: Contesting Citizenship In Latin America

Deborah J. Yashar

Working Paper #238 - July 1997

Abstract

Ethnic cleavages have rarely given rise to political organizing and sustained political conflict in Latin America. Over the past two decades, however, Latin America has witnessed a wave of rural organizing and movement building that mobilizes Indians as Indians to advance and defend self-proclaimed indigenous rights. This paper addresses why indigenous identity has become a more salient basis of political organizing and source of political claims in Latin America over the past two decades. After analyzing alternative theoretical approaches, the paper proposes a historically grounded comparative analysis that situates indigenous identity and movement formation in relation to the process of state building and the changing terms of citizenship. Drawing on social movement theory, the author suggests the conditions under which identity and organization have merged to generate indigenous movements in the region.

Resumen

Los clivajes étnicos raramente han dado lugar a organizaciones y sostenidos conflictos políticos en América Latina. Durante las últimas dos décadas, sin embargo, la región ha sido testigo de una ola de organizaciones rurales y construcción de movimientos que movilizan a indígenas qua indígenas para realizar y defender los auto-proclamados derechos indígenas. Este artículo se orienta a determinar por qué la identidad indígena ha devenido una base de organización política más notoria durante las últimas dos décadas. Después de analizar aproximaciones teóricas alternativas, el artículo propone un análisis comparativo históricamente fundado que sitúa la identidad indígena y la formación de movimientos frente a el proceso de construcción de estados y los cambiantes términos de la ciudadanía. Abrevando en la teoría de los movimientos sociales, sugiero las condiciones bajo las cuales identidad y organización han confluído para generar movimientos indígenas en la región.


Deborah J. Yashar is Associate Professor of Government and of Social Studies at Harvard University and a faculty fellow at Harvard's Center for International Affairs. She is the author of Demanding Democracy: Reform and Reaction in Costa Rica and Guatemala, 1870s-1950s (Stanford University, 1997). Her various publications have addressed the comparative historical origins of democracy and authoritarianism, social movements, and political parties. Her research focuses on the contemporary emergence of indigenous movements in Latin America and their consequences for the practice and meaning of democracy in the region. Yashar was a Visiting Fellow at the Kellogg Institute in spring 1996.

An earlier version of this essay was presented at the Kellogg Institute, the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, the 1996 International Studies Association Conference, Harvard University's Latin American Seminar, and Princeton University's Comparative Politics Seminar. A revised version of this paper isnow available in Comparative Politics 31 (October 1998): 23-42. For their thoughtful comments on earlier versions, the author wishes to thank David Collier, Michael Coppedge, Jonathan Fox, John Gershman, Doug Imig, Gerardo Munck, Guillermo O'Donnell, and Elisabeth Wood. Research was supported by the Kellogg Institute, the United States Institute of Peace, the American Council of Learned Societies/Social Science Research Council, and Harvard University's Center for International Affairs and the David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies.

A revised version of this paper isnow available in Comparative Politics 31 (October 1998): 23-42.


Is the Third Wave of Democratization Over? The Imperative of Consolidation

Larry Diamond

Working Paper #237 - March 1997

Abstract

In Kellogg Institute Working Paper no. 236 I charted the progress of what Huntington has called the 'third wave' of global democratic expansion, from 1974 to the present, distinguishing among the various types of democracy that have resulted. If I am right in my analysis, democracy, and especially liberal democracy, will not expand in the coming years. It could recede into a reverse wave. It could just keep persisting, becoming less liberal and more artificial in the process. Or it could stabilize and sink firm roots in countries where it is now present-and even liberal-but not secure. If the historical pattern is to be defied and a third reverse wave avoided, the overriding imperative in the coming years is to consolidate those democracies that have come into being during the 'third wave.' In this paper I examine various conceptual approaches to consolidation and identify a number of challenges faced by new and insecure democracies. The paper concludes with a discussion of future prospects for democracy worldwide.

Resumen

En el Documento de Trabajo del Kellogg Institute Nº 236, examiné el progreso de lo que Huntington ha llamado la 'tercera ola' de expansión democrática global, desde 1974 hasta el presente, distinguiendo entre los varios tipos de democracia que han resultado. Si mi análisis es correcto, la democracia, y especialmente la democracia liberal, no va a expandirse en los próximos años. Podría revertirse en una ola de sentido opuesto. Podría simplemente persistir, deviniendo menos liberal y más artificial. O bien podría estabilizarse y establecer raíces firmes en países en los que ahora está presente--aún en su variante liberal--pero no está asegurada. Si hay que desafiar al patrón histórico y evitar una tercera ola de reversión, el mayor imperativo en los próximos años es consolidar aquellas democracias que se constituyeron durante la 'tercera ola.' En este texto examino varias aproximaciones contextuales a la consolidación e identifico una serie de desafíos enfrentados por las nuevas e inseguras democracias. El texto concluye con una discusión de perspectivas futuras para la democracia a nivel mundial.


Larry Diamond is Senior Research Fellow at the Hoover Institution, coeditor of the Journal of Democracy, and codirector of the National Endowment for Democracy's International Forum for Democratic Studies.

This paper is the second in a two-part series."Is the Third Wave of Democratization Over?" Part II, subtitled "The Imperative of Consolidation," is published as Kellogg Institute Working Paper #237. Differing portions of both papers appeared in several chapters of Diamond's book, Developing Democracy: Toward Consolidation (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999).


Is the Third Wave of Democratization Over? An Empirical Assessment

Larry Diamond

Working Paper #236 - March 1997

Abstract

Since the Portuguese military overthrew the Salazar/Caetano dictatorship in April of 1974, the number of democracies in the world has multiplied dramatically. Before the start of this global trend toward democracy, there were roughly 40 countries in the world that could be rated as more or less democratic. The number increased moderately through the late 1970s and early 1980s as a number of states experienced transitions from authoritarian (predominantly military) to democratic rule. But then, in the mid-1980s, the pace of global democratic expansion accelerated markedly, to the point where as of 1996 there were somewhere between 76 and 117 democracies, depending on how one counts. How one counts is crucial, however, to the task of this essay: thinking about whether democracy will continue to expand in the world, or even hold steady at its current level. In fact, it raises the most fundamental philosophical and political questions of what we mean by democracy.

Resumen

Desde que los militares portugueses derrocaron la dictadura de Salazar/Caetano en Abril de 1974 el número de democracias en el mundo se ha multiplicado drásticamente. Antes del comienzo de este movimiento global hacia la democracia, había aproximadamente cuarenta países en el mundo que pudieran ser clasificados como más o menos democráticos. El número aumentó moderadamente entre fines de los setenta y principios de los ochenta, cuando una serie de estados experimentaron transiciones desde gobiernos autoritarios (predominantemente militares) hacia gobiernos democráticos. Pero entonces, a mediados de los ochenta, el ritmo de expansión democrática global se aceleró marcadamente, a punto tal hacia 1996 habían, dependiendo de cómo uno cuente, entre setenta y seis y ciento diecisiete democracias. Sin embargo, el modo en que uno cuenta es crucial para el propósito de este ensayo: pensar de si la democracia continuará expandiéndose en el mundo, o aún si se mantendrá en sus niveles actuales. En efecto, cómo uno cuenta plantea la pregunta filosófica y política más fundamental de qué queremos decir con 'democracia.'


Larry Diamond is Senior Research Fellow at the Hoover Institution, coeditor of the Journal of Democracy, and codirector of the National Endowment for Democracy's International Forum for Democratic Studies.

This paper is the first in a two-part series."Is the Third Wave of Democratization Over?" Part II, subtitled "The Imperative of Consolidation," is published as Kellogg Institute Working Paper #237. Differing portions of both papers appeared in several chapters of Diamond's book, Developing Democracy: Toward Consolidation (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999).


Party Discipline in the Brazilian Constitutional Congress

Scott Mainwaring and Aníbal Pérez-Liñán

Working Paper #235 - March 1997

Abstract

This paper analyzes party discipline in the Brazilian constitutional congress of 1987-88, focusing on roll call votes in 1988. Because of the large number (1,021) of roll call votes during the constitutional congress and the availability of an excellent data base, the Brazilian constitutional congress offers an opportunity for one of the most detailed studies that has been conducted of party discipline in a Third World legislature. We begin with a discussion of how we have calculated discipline scores, given some distinctive features of the Brazilian party system and the constitutional congress. We show that the biggest Brazilian parties of this period were comparatively undisciplined, and we also show that the leftist parties were a powerful exception to this general tendency. We demonstrate that legislators who switched parties during the constitutional congress were more likely than others to be undisciplined before switching and that their discipline increased markedly after their move to new parties. Finally, we attempt to explain why discipline was low in all but the leftist parties.

Resumen

Este texto analiza la disciplina partidaria en el congreso constitucional brasileño de 1987-88, concentrándose en votos nominales en 1988. Gracias al gran número de votos nominales (1,021) y a la disponibilidad de una excelente base de datos, el congreso constitucional brasileño ofrece una oportunidad para uno de los más detallados estudios que se hayan producido acerca de la disciplina partidaria en una legislatura del Tercer Mundo. Comenzamos con una discusión de cómo hemos calculado los niveles de disciplina, dados algunos atributos distintivos del sistema de partidos y el congreso constitucional brasileños. Mostramos que los más grandes partidos brasileños de este período fueron comparativamente indisciplinados y mostramos también que los partidos de izquierda fueron una poderosa excepción a esta tendencia general. Demostramos que los legisladores que cambiaron de partido durante el congreso constitucional tenían una probabilidad más alta que la de otros de ser indisciplinados antes de cambiar, y que su disciplina aumentó sensiblemente luego de su mudanza a nuevos partidos. Finalmente, intentamos explicar por qué la disciplina fue baja en todos los partidos excepto en los de izquierda.


Scott Mainwaring is the Chairperson of Government and International Studies at the University of Notre Dame. His books include Building Democratic Institutions: Party Systems in Latin America (coedited, Stanford University Press, 1995), Presidentialism and Democracy in Latin America (coedited, Cambridge University Press, 1997), and The Party System and Democratization in Brazil (Stanford University Press).

Aníbal Pérez-Liñán is a PhD student in Government and International Studies at the University of Notre Dame.

The authors thank John Carey, Argelina Figueiredo, Mark Jones, Gerhard Loewenberg, John Roos, and two anonymous readers for many stimulating suggestions. They are also grateful to Barry Ames and Timothy Power, who provided access to the data base on which this research is based, and to David Samuels, who gave information on leaves and suplentes. Kevin Brunson and Patricia Ledesma helped devise and run computer programs.

This paper is now available in Legislative Studies Quarterly (November 1997).