Working Papers - 1998 (#246 - #261)

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What is Globalization? Four Possible Answers

Simon Reich

Working Paper #261 - December 1998

Abstract

Despite the breadth with which the term has been applied, the meaning of globalization remains so elusive as to defy definition. It is among the most overused and underspecified concepts in contemporary social science. This paper attempts to offer the some clarity on the matter by examining the variety of ways in which the term "globalization" is defined in the prevailing literature. The author delineates four distinct definitions that draw from history, economics, political science, and sociology for their foundation. He then examines these definitions and considers the utility of each.

Resumen

A pesar de la amplitud con la que el término ha sido aplicado, el significado de la globalización continúa siendo tan elusivo como para desafiar las posibilidades de definición. Este es uno de los más sobre-usados y sub-especificados conceptos en la ciencia social contempóranea. Este artículo procura ofrecer alguna claridad en la materia a través de una examen de la variedad de modos en que el término 'globalización' es definido en la literatura prevaleciente. El autor boceta cuatro definiciones distintas, fundadas en la historia, la economía, la ciencia política y la sociología, para luego examinarlas y evaluar la utilidad de cada una de ellas.


Rethinking Party Systems Theory in the Third Wave of Democratization: The Importance of Party System Institutionalization

Scott Mainwaring

Working Paper #260 - October 1998

Abstract

In this paper I argue that we need to rethink some important theoretical and comparative issues related to our broad understanding of party systems with a view to the experience of new democracies around the world. In particular, in light of what Huntington (1991) called the "third wave" of democratization, i.e., the period of democratization beginning in 1974, I argue that we must pay more attention to variance in levels of party system institutionalization. I propose analyzing party system institutionalization in four dimensions: (1) the stability of patterns of electoral competition, (2) the strength of party roots in society, (3) the legitimacy of parties, and (4) the structuring of party organization. Party systems vary significantly in their levels of institutionalization; most of the advanced industrial democracies have quite institutionalized systems, while most third-wave democratizers have less institutionalized systems. Weakly institutionalized party systems function in very different ways from well-established systems, and this has significant implications for democracy.

Resumen

En este texto sostengo que necesitamos repensar algunas importantes cuestiones teóricas y comparativas relacionadas con nuestro entendimiento general de los sistemas de partidos tomando en consideración la experiencia de las nuevas democracias. En particular, a la luz de lo que Hungtinton (1991) llamó la "tercera ola" de democratización-esto es, el período de democratización que comenzó en 1974-sostengo que debemos prestar más atención a la variación en los niveles de institucionalización de los sistemas de partidos. Propongo analizar la institucionalización de los sistemas de partidos en cuatro dimensiones: (1) la estabilidad de los patrones de competencia electoral, (2) la fuerza de las raíces de los partidos en la sociedad, (3) la legitimidad de los partidos, y (4) la estructuración de la organización partidaria. Los sistemas de partidos varían significativamente en sus niveles de organización; la mayoría de las democracias industriales tienen sistemas bastante institucionalizados, mientras que la mayoría de las democracias de la tercera ola tienen sistemas menos institucionalizados. Los sistemas de partidos débilmente institucionalizados funcionan de modos muy distintos de los sistemas bien establecidos, y esto tiene consecuencias importantes para la democracia.


This paper appears as a chapter in Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave of Democratization: The Case of Brazil: Stanford University Press, 1999.


Facets of Social Capital in New Democracies: The Formation and Consequences of Social Capital in Spain

Mariano Torcal and José Ramón Montero

Working Paper #259 - October 1998

Abstract

This paper examines the distinctive patterns of the formation and evolution of social trust that explain the low presence of social capital in a new democracy. Despite the increase in the number of political and social associations since the return to democracy, Spain constitutes an example of low intensity equilibrium with low levels of interpersonal trust. These low levels of trust have not changed across different generations, an attitudinal continuity that seems to be due to a certain cultural legacy transmitted from generation to generation and has proved resistant to the major economic, social, and political changes of the last few decades. The authors maintain that this transmission might be explained by the political events most Spaniards experienced and/or received from their elders during their processes of socialization. Politics matter in the creation of social capital, albeit through the filter of political socialization. The lack of trust has contributed to the low presence of social capital, and both factors have a distinctive impact on Spanish democratic politics.

Resumen

Este artículo examina los patrones distintivos en la formación y evolución de la confianza social, los cuales explican la baja presencia de capital social en las nuevas democracias. A pesar del aumento en el número de asociaciones políticas y sociales desde el retorno a la democracia, España constituye un ejemplo de equilibrio de baja intensidad con bajos niveles de confianza interpersonal. Estos bajos niveles no han cambiado entre las distintas generaciones; una continuidad actitudinal que parece obedecer a cierto legado cultural transmitido de generación en generación y que ha probado ser resistente a los importantes cambios económicos, sociales y políticos de las últimas décadas. Los autores sostienen que esta transmisión puede ser explicada por los eventos políticos que la mayoría de los españoles vivieron y/o recibieron de sus mayores durante sus procesos de socialización. La política cumple un papel importante en la creación de capital social, aunque a través del filtro de la socialización política. La falta de confianza ha contribuido a la baja presencia de capital social, y ambos factores tienen un impacto singular en la política democrática española.


This paper was also published in Jan V. Denth, Marco Maraffi, Ken Newton and Paul F. Whiteley, eds., Social Capital and European Democracy. London: Routledge, 1999. An updated Spanish translation can be found in "la Formacion y Consecuencias del Capital Social en España," Revista de Ciencia Politica, Vol. 1,2, abril 2000, pp. 79-121.


Party Organization, Ideological Change, and Electoral Success: A Comparative Study of Postauthoritarian Parties

Grigorii V. Golosov

Working Paper #258 - September 1998

Abstract

This study employs the 'most different systems' research design to discuss the factors in the electoral success of four postauthoritarian parties: the Spanish Popular Alliance (1977-82), the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (1993-95), the Democratic Social Party/Brazilian Progressive Party (1986-94), and the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (1990-96). The analysis demonstrates that low availability of political resources inherited from the old regimes stimulates the parties' leaders to engage themselves in extensive party-building efforts. The resulting centralization of organizational power effectively allows the postauthoritarian parties to modify their programmatic standings, thus adapting themselves to the competitive political environments. In this sense, organizational development can be viewed as a factor responsible not only for ideological change but also for electoral success. The study demonstrates that this model can be used in causal explanations of postauthoritarian parties' development in several other countries.

Resumen

Este estudio emplea el diseño de investigación de 'sistemas más disímiles' para discutir los factores del éxito electoral de cuatro partidos post-autoritarios: la Alianza Popular española (1977-82), el Partido Comunista de la Federación Rusa (1993-5), el Partido Social Demócrata/Partido Progresista Brasileño (1986-94) y el Partido Comunista de Bohemia y Moravia (1990-6). El análisis demuestra que la baja disponibilidad de recursos políticos heredados de los viejos regímenes, estimula a los líderes de estos partidos a desarrollar esfuerzos intensivos de fortalecimiento de las estructuras partidarias. La resultante centralización del poder organizacional efectivamente permite a los partidos post-autoritarios modificar sus posiciones programáticas, adaptándose de este modo a los ambientes políticos competitivos. En este sentido, el desarrollo organizacional puede ser visto como un factor responsable no sólo del cambio ideológico sino también del éxito electoral. Este estudio demuestra que este modelo puede ser usado en explicaciones causales del desarrollo de partidos post-autoritarios en varios otros países.


In a substantially revised form, the paper was published as "The Spanish Right and the Russian Left: Party Organization, Ideology and Electoral Success", Revista Internacional de Estudios Politicos/International Journal of Political Studies (Program of Political Studies of the State University of Rio de Janeiro, Vol. 2, No. 2, August 2000, pp. 325-353.


The Changing Status of Children in Latin America: Issues in Child Health and Children's Rights
A Rapporteur's Report

Carol D. Stuart

Working Paper #257 - June 1998

SEPTEMBER 1997
PROGRAM FOR THE ACADEMIC WORKSHOP ON

THE CHANGING STATUS OF CHILDREN IN LATIN AMERICA:
ISSUES IN CHILD HEALTH AND CHILDREN'S RIGHTS

I. The Changing Face of Malnutrition in Latin America
Chair: Alex Malaspina, International Life Sciences Institute (ILSI), USA

Overview of Malnutrition in Latin America
Author: Alejandro O'Donnell, CESNI, Argentina
Discussant: Aaron Lechtig, Regional Advisor on Health and Nutrition, UNICEF, Colombia

Residual Undernutrition Issues: Micronutrient Malnutrition
Panel: Wilma Freire, Pan American Health Organization (PAHO)
Tomás Walter, INTA, University of Chile
Nelly Zavaleta, Instituto de Investigación Nutricional, Peru

II. Feeding Practices and Environmental Sanitation
Chair: Frederick L. Trowbridge, Nutrition and Health Promotion Program, ILSI, USA

Breastfeeding and Appropriate Complementary Feeding Practices
Author: Ana María Aguilar, BASICS, Bolivia
Discussant: Helen Armstrong, Baby Friendly Hospital Initiative, UNICEF

Environmental Sanitation and Its Relation to Child Health
Author: Dennis B. Warner, Rural Environmental Health, World Health Organization (WHO)
Discussant: Steven Esrey, Project Information Management Unit, UNICEF

III. Bridging Issues of Child Health and Juvenile Rights
Chair: Dinah Shelton, University of Notre Dame Law School

The Agendas and Priorities of International Agencies Working with Children and Children's Issues
Author: Michael Heisler, Task Force for Child Survival and Development,
The Carter Center, USA
Discussant: Bruce Corrie, Concordia University, St. Paul, USA

The Epidemic of Violence
Author: Rodrigo Guerrero, PAHO; former mayor of Cali, Colombia
Discussant: Mary Ana Beloff, Faculty of Penal Law, University of Buenos Aires, Argentina

IV. Childhood, Citizenship, and Democracy
Chair: Scott Mainwaring, University of Notre Dame

The Child as Citizen and the Concept of Democracy
Author: Alessandro Baratta, University of Saarland, Germany
Discussant: Guillermo O'Donnell, University of Notre Dame

Integral Protection of Minors as Citizens
Author: Emilio García Méndez, UNICEF, Colombia
Discussant: Juan Méndez, Inter-American Institute of Human Rights, Costa Rica

V. Violence, Delinquency, and Penal Law
Chair: Emilio García Méndez, UNICEF, Colombia

Children and Adolescents in Conflict with Penal Law
Author: Miguel Cillero, UNICEF, Chile
Discussant: Alessandro Baratta, University of Saarland, Germany

Mortality Due to Violent Crimes: External Causes of Juvenile Death
Author: João Yunes, Bireme-PAHO; School of Public Health, University of São Paulo, Brazil
Discussant: Nancy Cardia, Center for the Study of Violence, University of São Paulo, Brazil

VI. Child Labor and Education
Chair: Errol Mendes, Human Rights Research and Education Centre,
University of Ottawa, Canada

Child Labor and Education in Latin America
Author: María Cristina Salazar, Defence for Children International, Colombia
Discussant: Walter Alarcón, International Consultant on Child Labor Issues, Peru


Democratic Consolidation and Human Rights in Brazil

Paulo Sergio Pinheiro

Working Paper #256 - June 1998

Abstract

Thirteen years ago the authoritarian regime in Brazil came to an end and the civilian transition government was installed. Three years later the Constitution of 1988 was promulgated with the most comprehensive and specific bill of rights in Brazilian political history. Today, despite the democratic guarantees in effect since then, the country is still ravaged by systemic violence in which the arbitrary actions of State institutions are combined with high rates of violent criminality, organized crime, intense physical aggression in conflicts among citizens, and a climate of generalized impunity. This paper evaluates the improvements in terms of political and civil rights that democratization has brought to Brazil as well as the serious problems that remain. The author raises the issue of the links between violence and economic and social inequality and examines the actual practice of the institutions that are supposed to apply the rule of law equally to all citizens-the police, the judicial system, and prisons. In conclusion he comments on the important roles of both civil society and the state in raising awareness of and upholding human rights.

Resumen

Hace trece años el régimen autoritario en Brasil llegaba a su fin y asumía el gobierno civil de transición. Tres años más tarde se promulgó la Constitución de 1988 con la declaración de derechos más comprehensiva y específica de la historia política brasileña. Hoy, a pesar de las garantías democráticas vigentes desde entonces, el país continúa siendo devastado por una violencia sistemática en la que las acciones arbitrarias de las instituciones del Estado se combinan con altas tasas de criminalidad violenta, crimen organizado, intensa agresión física en los conflictos entre los ciudadanos y un clima de impunidad generalizada. Este artículo evalúa las mejoras que la democratización ha traído a Brasil en términos de derechos sociales y políticos así como los serios problemas que aún persisten. El autor señala los vínculos entre la violencia y la desigualdad económica y social y examina la actual práctica de las instituciones que, se supone, deberían aplicar el imperio de la ley igualmente a todos los ciudadanos: la policía, el sistema judicial y las prisiones. Concluyendo, el autor comenta sobre los importantes roles tanto de la sociedad civil como del estado en la concientización y la defensa de los derechos humanos.


A Portuguese version of this paper is now available as the introduction to Democracia em pedaços: Direitos humanos no Brasil, Gilberto Dimenstein (São Paulo: Compandria das Letras, 1996).


Life Without the King: Centralists, Federalists, and Constitutional Monarchists in the Making of the Spanish American Republics, 1808-1830

Iván Jaksic and Marcelo Leiras

Working Paper #255 - May 1998

Abstract

This paper examines the institutional options facing political and military leaders during the wars of independence in Spanish America in the early nineteenth century. The first point to be established is that these leaders did not set out with a preconceived republican model; rather, the first forms of autonomous government were intended to preserve the rule of Ferdinand VII while he was in captivity in Napoleon's France. The authors argue that as Ferdinand sought to return the Spanish American territories to the status quo ante after his return to Spain in 1814, Spanish American leaders entertained three institutional options: constitutional monarchy, centralist republicanism, and federalism. As the attempts to establish constitutional monarchies failed, the choices resolved into a contest between centralist and federalist republican models. The authors trace the intellectual sources of both and explore the linkages between classical and modern republicanism. They conclude that, while the postindependence pattern had become securely republican by 1830, it was comparatively more conservative than the American and French examples. The emphasis of Spanish American republicanism was on the preservation of order rather than on the creation of a new society, precisely because it came after the experiences of 1776 and 1789.

Resumen

Este trabajo examina las opciones institucionales que los líderes políticos y militares enfrentaron durante las guerras de independencia en Hispanoamérica a comienzos del Siglo XIX. La primera observación a realizar es que estos líderes no comenzaron con un modelo republicano preestablecido; sino que, mas bien, las primeras formas de gobierno autónomo tuvieron como propósito preservar el dominio de Fernando VII mientras éste permanecía cautivo en la Francia de Napoleón. Los autores sostienen que en tanto Fernando procuraba reestablecer el statu quo ante en los territorios hispanoamericanos luego de su retorno a España en 1814, los líderes hispanoamericanos consideraban tres opciones institucionales: la monarquía constitucional, el centralismo republicano y el federalismo. Puesto que los intentos por establecer monarquías constitucionales fracasaron, las opciones se redujeron a una compulsa entre modelos republicanos centralistas o federales. Los autores identifican las fuentes intelectuales de ambos modelos y exploran los vínculos entre los republicanismo clásicos y los modernos. Los autores concluyen en que el modelo político posterior a la independencia, aunque firmemente republicano, era más conservador que en los casos norteamericano y francés. El republicanismo hispanoamericano enfatizó la preservación del orden antes que la creación de una sociedad nueva, precisamente porque tuvo lugar luego de las experiencias de 1776 y 1789.


Polyarchies and the (Un)Rule of Law in Latin America

Guillermo O'Donnell

Working Paper #254 - May 1998

Abstract

This paper contains studies of the often rather dismal inapplication of the rule of law, even under the presently existing polyarchies, in relation to various underprivileged sectors of Latin America. The paper discusses various conceptions of the rule of law and the estado de derecho and advances a conception of what these might mean under a democracy that universally upholds not only political but also civil citizenship. The incompleteness of civil citizenship in many polyarchies, old as well as new and not only in Latin America, raises some important questions, of both a practical and theoretical import, that the paper explores.

Resumen

El presente trabajo fué escrito como conclusión de un libro, de próxima publicación, The (Un)Rule and the Underprivilged in Latin America (Kellogg Institute series with the University of Notre Dame Press). Este libro contiene estudios que muestran una triste realidad: la frecuente inefectividad del estado de derecho en relación con diversos sectores minoritarios o excluídos en América Latina, inclusive bajo las actuales, poliarquías. El texto discute diversas concepciones del estado de derecho y propone una concepción del mismo en términos de garantizar universalísticamente no sólo la ciudadanía política sino también la social. Los severos recortes de la ciudadanía social en muchas viejas y nuevas poliarquías no sólo en América Latina, plantea algunas importantes cuestiones, de relevancia práctica y teórica, que el presente texto explora.


This paper appears as the conclusion to the book, The (Un)Rule of Law and the Underprivileged in Latin America (Kellogg Institute Series with the University of Notre Dame Press: 1999).


Horizontal Accountability and New Polyarchies

Guillermo O'Donnell

Working Paper #253 - April 1998

Abstract

The present text asserts that many new polyarchies, in Latin America and elsewhere, present the historically rather unusual combination of the coexistence of political -freedoms with weak 'horizontal' accountability. In order to account for this mix, the text delineates three great traditions, or currents-democracy, liberalism, and republicanism that, although partially overlapping, are distinct and have made different contributions to the emergence of polyarchy in the Northwestern quadrant of the world. Further on, the paper notes in many new polyarchies the relative strength of the democratic current jointly with the scant weight of the liberal and republican ones. In light of these considerations, the text concludes with some suggestions for enhancing horizontal accountability in these latter cases. This paper was also published in The Self-Restraining State: Power and Accountability in New Democracies. Andreas Schedler, Larry Diamond and Marc Plattner eds. Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1999.

Resumen

El presente texto afirma que muchas nuevas poliarquías, en América Latina y en otras regiones, presentan la históricamente inusual coexistencia de libertades políticas con débil 'accountability' horizontal. Para dar cuenta de esta combinación, el texto describe tres grandes tradiciones o corrientes-democracia, liberalismo y republicanismo-que, aunque parcialmente superpuestas, son distinguibles y han hecho contribuciones diferentes a la emergencia de la poliarquía en el cuadrante Noroccidental del mundo. Más adelante, el trabajo señala la. conjunción de corrientes democráticas relativamente fuertes y corrientes liberales y republicanos de escaso peso en muchas nuevas poliarquías. A la luz de estas consideraciones, el texto concluye con algunas sugerencias para aumentar la 'accountability' horizontal en estos casos.


The paper is now available in Schedler, Andreas, Larry Diamond, and Mark Plattner, eds. The Self Restraining State: Power and Accountability in New Democracies (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1999)


The Catching-Up Debate: A Statistical Investigation

Prabirjit Sarkar

Working Paper #252 - April 1998

Abstract

The growth patterns during the last three decades are divergent. There was no catching up to the standard of living of the rich countries by the poor countries. The countries in the North do not exhibit any strong evidence of convergence among themselves. The countries in the South, on the other hand, experienced a strong force of divergence. This phenomenon of divergence has been noticed not only for the South as a whole but also for its different geographical regions, such as Africa, Asia, and Latin America (including the Caribbean).

Resumen

Durante las tres últimas décadas los patrones de desarrollo han sido divergentes. Los países pobres no han conseguido ponerse a la par de los niveles de vida de los países ricos. No existe evidencia significativa de convergencia entre los países del Norte. Los países del Sur, por otro lado, sufren el efecto de una poderosa fuerza de divergencia. Este fenómeno de divergencia ha sido registrado no sólo en el Sur como un todo, sino también en sus diferentes regiones geográficas, tales como Africa, Asia y América Latina (incluyendo el área del Caribe).


Why Liberalism? State, Church, and Party in Western Europe

Andrew C. Gould

Working Paper #251 - April 1998

Abstract

Liberal political reform fundamentally transformed Western Europe in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The success of liberal movements varied considerably from state to state, ranging from near complete supremacy in Switzerland and contested victory in France to conditional defeat in Belgium and co-optation in Germany. While comparativists have emphasized patterns of economic development or culture in explaining such variation, this paper argues that the success or failure of liberalism can best be explained through identifying the distinct patterns of church-state relations that shaped key social groups' attitudes toward liberal reforms. First, I show how the historical-institutional development of religious institutions determined whether actors such as clergy and provincial social groups decided to support liberal reforms. Second, I show that the support of these actors was essential to liberal movements' successes. Finally, I argue that Western European liberal development contains important lessons for scholars interested in liberal institution-building in new democracies. This paper also appeared in Origins of Liberal Dominance: State, Church and Party in Nineteenth Century Europe. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999.

Resumen

La reforma política liberal transformó fundamentalmente a Europa Occidental en el siglo XD( y a principios del XX El éxito de los movimientos liberales varió considerablemente entre estado y estado, desde la casi completa supremacía alcanzada en Suiza y la disputada victoria en Francia, a la derrota condicional en Bélgica y la cooptación en Alemania. Para explicar esta variación, los comparativistas han puesto el acento en los patrones de desarrollo económico o culturales. Este texto sostiene, en cambio, que el éxito o el fracaso o el liberalismo pueden ser explicados mejor a través de la identificación de los distintos patrones de relación entre la iglesia y el estado que liberales. Primero, muestro cómo el desarrollo histórico-institucional de las instituciones religiosas determinó el apoyo o el rechazo hacia las reformas de parte de actores tales como el clero y los grupos sociales provinciales. Luego muestro que el apoyo de estos actores fue esencial para el éxito de los movimientos liberales. Finalmente, sostengo que el desarrollo liberal europeo-occidental contiene importantes lecciones para los especialistas interesados en la. construcción liberal de instituciones en las nuevas democracias.


This paper is available in Origins of Liberal Dominance: State, Church, and Party in Nineteenth Century Europe. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999.


The Politics of Economic Reform: Distributional Coalitions and Policy Change in Latin America

Hector E. Schamis

Working paper #250 - February 1998

Abstract

For Neoclassical Political Economy, the political organization of interest groups accounts for government intervention in the economy. In this view, a closed economy is reproduced due to the efforts of distributional coalitions and rent seekers to maintain sector-specific protections. Accordingly, current economic liberalization experiments are explained by the policy consistency of uncompromising reform elites. Students of the politics of economic adjustment in the developing world, in turn, have argued that economic reform programs concentrate costs in the present and disperse benefits in the future. Hence, potential losers are prepared to engage in collective action, but prospective winners, facing uncertainty about payoffs, remain disorganized. Again, the insularity and cohesiveness of policymakers is posited as the main variable explaining successful economic reform. Both economists and political scientists, therefore, adopt a state-centered approach that overlooks how societal groups organize in support of liberalization. Evidence from Latin America, however, suggests that several of these policies have distributed the costs of reform throughout society and concentrated the benefits upon a small group of firms which provided vital political support to and colluded with the reform elites, generating incentives for rent-seeking behavior and distributional coalition-building. In light of the Latin American reform experience, it is argued in this paper, modifications are needed in the leading theories of collective action and the dominant literature on economic reform: modifications that allow for a more detailed examination of the political behavior of interest groups during marketization. A revised version came out as "Distributional Coalitions and the Politics of Economic Reform in Latin America," World Politics 50.2; January 1999; pp. 236-68.

Resume

Para la economía política neoclásica, es la organización de los grupos de interés lo que da cuenta de la intervención gubernamental en la economía. En esta perspectiva, una economía cerrada se reproduce debido a los esfuerzos de coaliciones distributivas y buscadores de rentas por mantener protecciones sectoriales. En consecuencia, los experimentos de liberalización en curso son explicados en términos de la consistencia de las políticas diseñadas por intransigentes elites reformistas. Estudiosos de la dimensión política de los ajustes económicos en los países en desarrollo, por su parte, sostienen que los programas de reformas concentran los costos en el presente y dispersan los beneficios en el futuro. Así, los perdedores potenciales estarían dispuestos a participar de acciones colectivas, pero los prospectivos ganadores, sin certezas acerca de posibles beneficios, permanecerían desorganizados. Nuevamente, la insularidad y cohesión de los diseñadores de políticas se presentan como las principales variables para explicar el éxito de las reformas económicas. De este modo, tanto los economistas como los cientistas políticos adoptan una aproximación al problema estado-céntrica que pasa por alto las formas en que los grupos sociales se organizan en apoyo de la liberalización. La evidencia de los casos Latinoamericanos, sin embargo, sugiere que varias de estas políticas han distribuido los costos de las reformas hacia toda la sociedad y concentrado sus beneficios en un pequeño grupo de firmas que proveyeron un apoyo político vital a y se aliaron con las elites reformistas, generando de este modo incentivos para comportamientos rentísticos y la construcción de coaliciones distributivas. A la luz de la experiencia de reformas Latinoamericana, este texto sostiene que es necesario realizar cambios en las teorías de la acción colectiva prevalecientes y en la literatura dominante sobre reformas económicas: estos es, cambios que permitan un examen más detallado del comportamiento político de los grupos de interés durante los procesos de mercantilización.


Paper now appears in World Politics 50, 2 January 1999.


Presidential Coups d'état and Regime Change in Latin American and Soviet Successor States: Lessons for Democratic Theory

Maxwell A. Cameron

Working Paper #249 - February 1998

Abstract

What safeguards democracy when the demos allows its own voice to be silenced? In Latin American and Soviet successor states this problem took a novel form in the 1990s: that of the self-inflicted presidential coup d'état, or autogolpe. In Peru, Guatemala, and Russia presidents closed congress, suspended the constitution, and sought to rule by decree until referenda or new legislative elections could be held to ratify a regime with broader executive powers. Three contrasting traditions of democratic theory are assessed in light of autogolpes: electoral, liberal, and deliberative democracy. Each offers a different lesson on the implications of autogolpes for electoral competition and parties, legislative-executive relations, the independence of the judiciary and the rule of law, civil-military relations, and the powers of the presidency. Based on this assessment, the paper concludes that more scholarly attention must be given to the quality of democracy, its institutional diversity, and the complex connections among different attributes of democratic regimes.

Resumen

Qué resguarda a la democracia cuando el demos permite que su propia voz sea silenciada? En América Latina y en los estados sucesores de la Unión Soviética este problema tomó nueva forma en los años '90: el golpe de estado presidencial auto-infligido, o autogolpe. En Perú, Guatemala y Rusia, los presidentes clausuraron el congreso, suspendieron la constitución y buscaron gobernar por decreto hasta que pudieran celebrarse referenda o nuevas elecciones legislativas para ratificar un régimen con más amplios poderes ejecutivos. Se evalúan tres tradiciones contrastante de teoría democrática a la luz de los autogolpes: democracia electoral, liberal y deliberativa. Cada una de ellas ofrece una enseñanza diferente acerca de las consecuencias de los autogolpes para la competencia electoral y los partidos, las relaciones entre el ejecutivo y el legislativo, la independencia del poder judicial y el estado de derecho, las relaciones entre civiles y militares, y los poderes de la presidencia. Basado en esta evaluación, este artículo concluye que debe prestarse mayor atención a la calidad de la democracia, a su diversidad institucional, y a las conexiones complejas entre los diferentes atributos de los regímenes democráticos.


Paper is now available in Journal of Latin American Studies 30 (1998), and in Portuguese in Teoria e Pesquisr Nos. 20-23 (1997).


The Anatomy of a Death: Repression, Human Rights, and the Case of Alexandre Vannucchi Leme in Authoritarian Brazil

Kenneth P. Serbin

Working Paper #248 - January 1998

Abstract

Employing new archival sources, this paper reappraises the role of human rights in the opposition to Brazil's repressive military regime While most interpretations pinpoint the protest against the 1975 murder of journalist Vladimir Herzog as the opposition's great awakening, this research focuses on a similar outcry against the 1973 killing of University of São Paulo student Alexandre Vannucchi Leme. His death led students and clergymen to defy riot troops and gather 3,000 people for a memorial service that was the first large-scale antiregime demonstration of the 1970s and a decisive step in the Roman Catholic Church's development as leader of the opposition. This paper appears in "The Anatomy of Death: Human Rights, Repression, and the Case of Alexander Vannucci Leme in Authoritarian Brazil," Journal of Latin American Studies 30 (1998), 1-33. Portuguese versions can be found in Teoria e Pesquisa, Nos. 20-23 (1997), 1-23, and Folha de Sao Paulo, March 30, 1997. This paper was also published as a chapter in his books: Dialogos na Sombra: Bispos e Militares, Tortura e Justica Social na Ditadura, trans. Carlos Eduardo Lins da Silva and Cecilia Sa (Sao Paulo: Conpanhia das Letras, 2001), and Secret Dialogues: Church-State Relations, Torture, and Social Justice in Authoritarian Brazil (Pittsburgh: Pittsburgh University Press, 2000).

Resumen

Utilizando fontes novas pesquisadas em arquivos, este trabalho reinterpreta o papel dos direitos humanos na oposição A repressão do regime militar brasileiro. Enquanto a maioria das interpretações identifica o protesto contra a morte em 1975 do jornalista Vladimir Herzog como o grande momento de renascimento da oposição, esta pesquisa põe em foco uma manifestação semelhante contra a morte em 1973 de Alexandre Vannucchi Leme, estudante da Universidade de São Paulo. Sua morte levou estudantes e membros do clero a desafiar tropas de choque ao juntar 3,000 pessoas para uma missa. memorial que virou o primeiro grande ato de protesto dos anos setenta contra o regime. Esse evento marcou um passo decisivo na evolução da Igreja Católica Romana como líder da oposição.


La Ley Electoral de 1890 y la Democratización del Régimen Político Chileno

J. Samuel Valenzuela

Working Paper #247 - January 1998

Abstract

When democracies emerge out of gradual reforms of a predemocratic legal framework, it is not easy to determine precisely the moment in which they begin. And yet, it is obviously essential for studies of democratization to pinpoint the fundamental reform or reforms that generate the qualitative change represented by a transition out of an authoritarian regime. This difficulty is especially common in the analysis of democratization out of nineteenth century regimes which are based on constitutional law containing many aspects of democracies.

This article holds that the electoral law of August 1890 permitted the inception of a democratic regime (albeit one with incomplete suffrage) in Chile. The Constitución of 1833 already contained the basic outlines of a democracy, but the regime in the last analysis was an authoritarian one because candidates with official government support almost invariably won. The parliamentary elections of 1894 were the first in which there was a real competition between freely formed parties for the vote. Since then, this competition became the only means to accede to positions of governmental and legislative power. The changes established in the law of 1890 were designed to end government intervention in the elections, and included establishing a secret chamber in order to safeguard the secrecy of the vote.

Many observers and analysts have noted that Chilean elections after 1890 had numerous irregularities, for which the regime during the period could not be characterized as democratic. The article examines these arguments and sustains that the deficiencies were neither as serious nor as generalized as has been supposed.

Resumen

Cuando las democracias surgen a partir de reformas graduales de un marco legal pre-democrático no es siempre fácil determinar el momento preciso en el cual comienzan. Sin embargo, el estudio de la democratización obviamente requiere identificar la o las reformas fundamentales que generan el cambio cualitativo que significa una transición política desde un régimen autoritario. Este es un problema que se presenta frecuentemente en el análisis de las democratizaciones graduales de los regímenes autoritarios decimonónicos que tenían marcos constitucionales con muchos elementos que se identifican con las democracias.

Este artículo sostiene que la ley electoral de agosto de 1890 permitió que comenzara posteriormente a funcionar una democracia (aunque de sufragio incompleto) en Chile. La Constitución de 1833 contenía ya los lineamientos básicos de una democracia, pero el régimen era en el fondo autoritario porque triunfaban en las elecciones quienes tuvieran el apoyo oficial. Es a partir de las elecciones parlamentarias de 1894 que comienza a operar una competencia real entre partidos creados libremente por los votos de la ciudadanía, competencia convertida desde entonces en el Único medio para Ilegar al poder gubernamental y legislativo. Los cambios establecidos en la ley de 1890 fueron diseñados para acabar con la intervención oficial, e incluyeron la institución de la cámara secreta para hacer efectivo el secreto del voto.

Muchos observadores y analistas han indicado que las elecciones chilenas posteriores a 1890 tenían numerosas irregularidades, con lo cual el régimen de la época no podría ser calificado de democrático. El artículo se detiene en estas argumentaciones y sostiene que las deficiencias no eran ni tan graves ni tan generalizadas como se ha supuesto.


This paper is now available in Estudios Públicos 71 (Winter 1998).


Workshop on the Rule of Law and the Underprivileged in Latin America

Gina Bekker and Robert Patrick

Working Paper #246 - January 1998

Session 1. Problems of Lawless Violence

Chair: Tom Farer, The University of Denver

1. Conditions of Detention
Paper: Nigel Rodley, University of Essex, England
Discussant: Ligia Bolívar, PROVEA, Venezuela

2. Defining the Role of the Police
Paper: Paul Chevigny, New York University Law School
Discussant: Jean-Paul Brodeur, University of Montreal

3. Rural Conflicts
Paper: Alfredo Wagner Berno de Almeida, Social Anthropologist, Brazil
Discussant: Roger Plant, UN Mission to Guatemala

Session Il. Overcoming Discrimination

Chair: Rebecca Cook, University of Toronto

1. Indigenous Peoples
Paper: Jorge Dandler, International Labor Organization, Lima, Peru
Discussant: Shelton H. Davis, World Bank

2. Women
Paper: Mariclaire Acosta, Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de los
Derechos Humanos

Discussant: Dorothy Q. Thomas, Women's Rights Project, Human Rights Watch

3. Racial Discrimination

Paper: Peter Fry, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

Discussant: Joan Dassin, Inter-American Dialogue

Session Ill. Institutional Reform, Including Access to Justice

Chair: Juan Méndez, Inter-American Institute of Human Rights

1. International Aspects of Current Efforts at Judicial Reform
Paper: Reed Brody, Esq., USA
Discussant: Leonardo Franco, UNHCR; Former Director, UN Mission to Guatemala

2. Judicial Reform
Paper: Jorge Correa, Law School, Diego Portales University, Chile
Discussant: Leopoldo Schiffrin, Federal Court of Appeals, Argentina

3. Access to Justice
Paper: Alejandro Garro, Columbia University Law School

Discussant: Sérgio Adorno, University of São Paulo, Brazil