PROTESTANTS have for a long time been in the habit of reproaching Catholics with standing aloof from public life in a manner prejudicial to religious concord and to the general welfare. Tschackert speaks of the "Catholic practice of having nothing to do with non-Catholics," and says that it must necessarily narrow their outlook on life and tend to separate them from the rest of the nation. Sell considers the present "curialistic" or "ultramontane" policy to be an attempt to make all public life denominational, and to restrict, as far as possible, all intercourse between Catholics and non-Catholics. He thinks that in course of time the conciliatory force of national sentiment will thus be paralyzed. Critics inclined to speculation on such matters imagine that the ultimate reason for this state of affairs may be discovered in what they assume to be the Catholic theory that worldly and secular things have no "independent value," and that they receive their moral significance only through the instrumentality and sanction of the Church.{1} Protestants believe, we are told, that the world possesses an order of its own, apart from Christianity; but Catholics think that this order is first introduced into the world by Christianity.{2} Since grace is superior to nature, the Catholic distinction between them, it is said, must ultimately bring back the state of affairs that existed in the Middle Ages, when all that was natural was in complete subjection to the ecclesiastical.{3}
During the last ten years also Catholics have expressed various opinions regarding the permissibility and necessity of joint action in secular matters between members of different religious denominations, and in Germany they have given rise to practical differences affecting their political and economic organization, such differences being unfortunately accentuated in the question of labour unions. In consequence of these disputes Pius X, on September 24, 1912, issued the Encyclical "Singulari quadam," addressed to the bishops in Germany. This Encyclical has already been mentioned; it deals particularly with the organization of workmen in trades unions, and lays down rules for the Catholic members. In the Reichstag the representatives of the government frankly acknowledged that the question was one affecting the interests of the Church, and that she had therefore a right to express an opinion upon it; but part of the Protestant and socialistic press made this an opportunity to speak of "intolerable insults offered to non-Catholic workmen," and of a "dangerous tutelage" of German economic life.
However, as a matter of fact, the very first sentence of the Encyclical proves that it was issued in consequence of reports sent from Germany to the Holy See, that it was the outcome of the Pope's affectionate and benevolent interest in the "loyal, generous, and brave" Catholics of Germany, and that it aimed at restoring and maintaining perfect harmony amongst them. The Pope continues: "We wish and desire, moreover, that the members of our Church should live with their non-Catholic fellow citizens in that peace without which neither the order of human society nor the prosperity of the State can exist." Further on permission is given to Catholics to work with non-Catholics for the general good. It is true that early in the Encyclical a caution is given against "interdenominational Christianity," in the sense of a vague, universal sort of religion; but this warning, as every one must admit, is proper to the essential character of Catholicism and the Church, and has nothing to do with the question of a mutual good understanding between Catholics and Protestants. Even the Protestant members and promoters of Christian associations of workmen reject all idea of setting up "a common basis of Christianity" of a dogmatic character.
The Encyclical begins by laying down some important principles affecting faith and life, applicable to all Catholics, no matter to what country and class they belong. They are required to adhere to, and fearlessly profess, both in private and public life, all the truths of Christianity as taught by the Church; moreover, they must acknowledge it to be the duty of every Christian, even in his secular occupations, to keep his supreme, supernatural aim always in view, and grant that the Church has a right to judge of the morality of every kind of action.{4} They are bound to live in peace with their neighbours and to avoid class hatred. Finally the Pope declares the social question not to be purely economic, but in the first place moral and religious, so that from this point of view it is subject to the authority of the Church, no less than the kindred questions regarding hours of work, wages, and strikes.
The Encyclical deals next with associations of workmen, discussing them in a general way, and not with exclusive reference to Germany. Of these associations, even if formed to promote the worldly prosperity of the working classes, "those are mostly to be approved and are best suited to do real and permanent good, which are based primarily upon the foundation of the Catholic religion, and frankly follow the guidance of the Church." Similar statements had already been made in answer to questions propounded by various nations (gentibus); hence it follows that such Catholic associations should be formed and supported "first in Catholic districts, and then in all others where there is reason to think that they can adequately meet the requirements of the men. In such places the formation of mixed associations for purposes connected directly or indirectly with religion and morality is to be discouraged, on account of the dangers likely to arise for the faith and the obedience towards the Church.
In accordance with this principle, the formation of purely Catholic organizations of workmen in Germany is encouraged and warmly recommended. They may work in harmony with non-Catholics for the purpose of improving their economic position, but this is best accomplished by means of a "cartel" formed by the associations.
At the request of several bishops the Holy Father then states explicitly that membership in Christian unions, consisting of Catholics and Protestants, may be "tolerated and permitted"; and in justification of this decision he refers in detail to the peculiar position of Catholics in Germany, as he had been asked to do, and alludes to the numerical superiority of these organizations, and to the need of avoiding serious disadvantages. The permission is given on the understanding, however, that no new reasons would be adduced against it, and that suitable measures shall be taken at once to avert any danger to religion and morality.
The first of these measures is the affiliation of the Catholic members with the Catholic associations of workmen directed by priests. These associations do much good by promoting faith, purity of morals, and piety; they should give to workingmen the right principles and suitable instruction "in order to be able to take part in the work of labour unions in the right way, and according to Catholic principles." The second precautionary measure is that everything forbidden or hostile to the Church be kept away, in principle as in fact, from the discussions and transactions of these unions; the Catholic members ought to see that this is carried into effect, and the bishops must use all vigilance to prevent Catholics from suffering any spiritual harm and from a neglect of the laws of Catholic morals in consequence of joining such associations.{5}
The Encyclical ends with an exhortation to keep peace, a prohibition of further disputes on the subject, and an order to refer any new difficulties that may arise to the authority of the Church, and, in the first place, to the bishops. Catholic associations are once more warmly commended, and interference with them on the plea of organizing them according to dioceses is forbidden. No one is to raise any suspicions against loyal Catholics, or to accuse them of being false to the Church, if for a good reason (recto consilio) they join "mixed" unions, provided that the abovementioned safeguards are respected.
Let us now consider the statements in the Encyclical that are most important from the point of view of ethics and apologetics.{6} The religious aim and point of view with which it was issued appears plainly in the statement that every precaution must be taken to avoid lowering Christianity to a vague form of religion, shared by Catholics and Protestants alike, and also to prevent any injury to the purity and strength of the faith. Even the most liberal theologian of the present day will hardly encourage any suggestion of an "amalgamation" of the two creeds; but there are many who agree with Harnack in wishing them to develop more freely, so as to put positive dogma in the background and strive to attain "a higher unity."{7}
As a matter of fact, we see how liberal Protestants and rebellious Catholics meet on the common ground of Modernism, a hazy religion of sentiment with an admixture of Christianity derived from the Bible. Tschackert, who holds more positive views, has in mind something else when he speaks of fostering what the two religions have in common. He thinks that where Catholics and Protestants agree in their recoguition of some truth, they should cherish it in the interests of peace and patriotism; and of points of agreement he mentions the Apostles' Creed, the observance of Sunday and other Christian feasts, patriotism, etc. A good Catholic is bound to reject any interdenominationalism which would endanger his hold upon the full and compact truths of Catholic faith and morals in favour of some "compromise," or of some "common Christian basis." Even in dealing with a believing Protestantism we must not silence specific Catholic truth. A serious, unwavering statement of our dogmatic differences in scientific form -- such as we aim at giving in this work -- may and must accompany a peaceable attitude and intercourse in civil life. No temporal considerations should in the social and political intercourse with others prevent us from gladly and frankly acknowledging ourselves to be Catholics.
A Catholic who has a firm hold upon his faith finds to his satisfaction that non-Catholics recognize many fundamental principles of the natural law, and some things demanded by Catholicism. In the struggle against modern tendencies to unbelief and revolutionary opinions, he can act more successfully if he allies himself with non-Catholics of this kind -- perhaps he cannot act at all unless he does so. It is thus that Catholics can secure the observance of Sunday, the right to Christian burial, denominational schools, the eradication of immorality, recognition and free practice of religion, respect for parental and civil authority and for inherited rights, and security in the possession and enjoyment of property.{8}
That a joint action in this sense and for this purpose involves no violation of Catholic principles is plainly indicated by the Holy Father, not only in his attitude towards the trades unions, but in his recommendation of cartels between Catholic and non-Catholic associations. He mentions as the object of such a cartel "any honourable advantage," and it is obvious that the only possible basis for such an alliance (foedus) and for joint action is that the two members of it should take the same view of law and morality.
The Encyclical rightly draws attention to the fact that the danger in question may arise "gradually and almost imperceptibly," and that the possibility of its occurrence (versari aut certe versari possunt) is a reason why the rulers of the Church should exercise vigilance and issue warnings. It is impossible not to see that at the present time many people are tempted to put a too free and non-Catholic interpretation upon dogma and moral principles. We have encountered in the course of our investigation no small numbers of ethical mistakes and of distortions of Christian teaching. Protestantism as a rule can offer but slight resistance to the destructive and dangerous ideas now current, and false and misleading theories regarding evolution, the natural law, individuality, marriage, and the essence and form of religion, are spread broadcast by the press and infect thousands whose hold on their faith is incomplete and weak. If even learned theologians cannot always resist this influence, if even educated laymen are often, by means of books and associates, induced to make dangerous concessions to the spirit of the age, or to a controlling Protestant "public opinion," it is impossible to overestimate the peril threatening the less educated classes of the population. A workman encounters it in workshop or factory, and his daily intercourse with others often affects him imperceptibly but strongly. When he joins an association he is exposed to a much more powerful influence, and he becomes conscious of being closely united with others, of being included in and subordinated to the whole, and he is apt to abandon his personal convictions and to swim with the tide, even when it threatens to take him away from the right path and to work injury to civil society or the Church.
It has frequently been remarked that the moral principles of Christianity, clear and obvious though they be, may, in their application to the circumstances of the age, give rise to doubts and difficulties; and that in such cases the Church must make laws and give instructions showing how the divine law ought to be interpreted and what measures ought to be taken. Reference has also been made to the hindrance caused by the exaggerated sense of personal freedom which modern ideas have evoked, and which is frequently opposed to Authority. The Encyclical contains an allusion to their danger, which mixed associations might readily increase, since Catholics and Protestants differ radically on this point, unless the Catholic members and their leaders exercise very great prudence. Respect for the authority of the bishops and the Pope is a virtue that has always characterized Catholics and has become a part of their very nature. The dangers mentioned above become of course less ominous if the activity of the associations seldom touches on matters of faith and morals, and if membership in an association does not involve much permanent or close intercourse between the individual members.{9}
For the reasons already stated, the Holy Father declares the Catholic associations to be the best and most suitable kind of unions, and recommends them heartily. In them there is no danger of loss of faith, and the members collectively profess themselves Catholics and acknowledge the authority of the Church. It was completely in conformity with Catholic thought and practice that the Holy Father, being asked to express an opinion, should praise and recommend organizations that declare themselves to be "based upon the foundation of the Catholic religion" and subject to the "guidance of the Church." No other reply could have been expected. The Church knows that she alone is in possession of the full truths of Christianity; she is the visible society commissioned to reveal the light and strength of faith; she has at all times sought to influence society according to the spirit of the Gospel, and in former times she actually succeeded in establishing a Christian social order in which many other associations each found a suitable place. The Church does not even at the present day abandon her ideal of a civilized community penetrated with the Catholic spirit. This general idea has been discussed again and again, and as far as workmen's associations are concerned, organizations based on Catholicism have proved to be the best and most successful.
Pius X, although he gave preference to Catholic societies, did not forbid Catholics to join "mixed" unions of Christian workmen. The words tolerari posse can be understood in various ways; they suggest that something is not necessarily morally bad, but that it is rather an evil to be endured than justified by circumstances. But the expanded phrase tolerari et permitti has a more positive meaning. To say that a thing is "permitted" is not indeed to praise or recommend it, but it undoubtedly implies that the action in question is morally permissible, and this is particularly true when such an expression is used by the head of the Church in a document issued in order to quiet men's consciences and remove grounds of dispute. This is evident from other parts of the document. Thus the Catholic associations are described as those most deserving of approbation, maxime probandae aptissimaeque omnium, and with reference to intercourse with Protestants the Pope remarks, "we should prefer (malumus) a union in the nature of a cartel." Expressions such as these indicate that there is something better, but not a condemnation of the less good.
In the same way the Holy Father takes under his protection, and defends from all charges of unorthodoxy, men who for some good reason (or with a good intention) have joined or wish to join "mixed" associations; this makes it perfectly clear that both the act itself and the resolution to perform it are morally justifiable. Permission to join such associations, however, is granted on a positive condition ut sint tales, quibus catholici dare nomen possint. Where this condition is fulfilled, the Holy Father permits and even expects the members to take active part in the trades unions in the right way (recte) and in accordance with Catholic principles."
This decision on the part of the Holy Father was based upon the "peculiar condition of Catholicism in Germany," but special reasons for it may be found, as was pointed out by the German bishops, in the fact that the Christian trades unions possess many more members, and that great drawbacks and disadvantages would result from their prohibition. Moreover, it is taken for granted that the various requirements of the members cannot be adequately supplied except by means of such associations. Where this is the case, the toleration of "mixed" unions is recoguized as "just and expedient," but this does not preclude the possibility of a change ex novis rerum adjunctis.
The reasons put forward by Christian trades unions for their formation are essentially the same. They emphasize the numerical strength and success of their organizations, and the necessity of offering a strong and extensive wall of resistance to the advance of a powerful socialism, whose sole object is the acquisition of power. They draw attention to the strong financial position that these trades unions have acquired, which is of great moment to its members in cases of necessity. They refer to the close superior organization of the employers of labour, to the preponderance of non-Catholic employers, and the difficulties likely to arise from all this to purely Catholic associations. Amongst the circumstances giving the Church a "peculiar position" in Germany may be mentioned the general and steadily increasing tendency of mixture on the part of the population, the existence of many other interdenominational associations, some intended to draw together people of particular ranks and occupations, and others with aims not religious but certainly connected with morals (such as societies for the repression of vice, societies for control of the sale of spirituous liquors, etc.). As last reason it is mentioned that, on the subject of strikes, the Catholic organization adopted an attitude different from the Christian trades unions (although the Catholic unions in Holland have not done so), and that this attitude is not, in the opinion of the trades unions, beneficial to the industrial necessities of the labouring classes.{10}
We must look upon Catholic associations of workmen as the means of completing the work done by "mixed" unions, and as primary safeguards against impending dangers. Such associations, being eminently religious and closely connected with the Church, are well adapted to foster the Catholic spirit amongst workmen and to have a beneficial influence on the action of trades unions. They are under the direction of the clergy, whose aim should be not only to make the members good Christians, but to give them the moral training necessary to their economic position. The directors, being men familiar with the circumstances of the time (gnari temporum), are to impart to the workmen, in reference to justice and charity, those principles the exact knowledge of which is necessary or expedient for them, in order to share in the work of the trades unions in a true Catholic way. The second condition affects the bishops, at least in so far as it affects positive activity; it is to watch the proceedings of the trades unions and exercise pastoral vigilance over the Catholic members. The unions themselves are required "to refrain, either in public pronouncements or in practical undertakings from everything" opposed to religion and morality, and to the doctrines and commandments of the Church. The Catholic members themselves must not tolerate any violation of their conscience. These regulations affect the action of the trades unions only on the moral side, to prevent wrongdoing and any outrage on the conscience of Catholics; no attempt is made to limit their freedom of action in economic matters. The representatives of Christian trades unions have never shut their eyes to the fact that in economic matters, as elsewhere, questions may arise that enter the sphere of religion and morals. If the Christian workmen of Germany had not been convinced of this fact, they would not have formed unions distinct from those of the socialists.
The members of the Christian unions have always emphatically refused, on religious as well as on patriotic grounds, to admit to their associations any of the class hatred that characterizes socialism. Moreover, the Christian unions have always been aware that socialism is not merely an economic organization, but starts with a materialistic view of life, and openly propagates this view. On account of this fact the Christian trades unions have always attached great importance to the secondary aim of the Christian labour movement, viz., to denominational associations for workmen, apprentices, and boys. They have given practical proof of this fact by constantly urging their members to enter these denominational class associations, expecting, of course, that these denominational associations would with equal zeal encourage their members to join the Christian trades unions.{11}
Fears had been expressed, both by members of the working classes and by the official organ of the Central Federation of German Industrial Workingmen, that henceforth the Church{12} would attempt to control the action of the trades unions even m matters of wages and working conditions. The Encyclical neither claims, nor even hints at, any such direct control of the industrial movement. We have already seen what position is assigned to the spiritual directors of Catholic workmen's associations: it is essentially the same as that which they occupied previously. The Catholic trades unions are commended generally because they are based upon the Church and openly follow her leadership, but no suggestion is made that they should be put under the direction of priests, nor are the "mixed" unions condemned for not being subject to such direction. The passages quoted on pages 422 seq. show that for reasons easy to understand the Holy See does not desire priests to interfere directly with the details of economic and political life. The passage at the close of the Encyclical, in which reference is made to difficulties that may have in future to be submitted to the bishops, plainly does not allude to economic disputes between manufacturers and their workpeople, but to differences of opinion between Catholics on the subject of trades unions (praecipimus bonis . . . catholicis ut . . . nunc omni inter se disputatione abstineant. . . . Quod si qua INTER EOS rerum difficultas oriatur, etc.).
The trades unions are at the present time devoting their attention chiefly to arranging or altering the conditions of labour and the scale of wages. In order to form a practical judgment on questions arising out of these subjects there is so much technical knowledge of an economic nature needed, and so many long and tedious discussions and hearings are indispensable, that as a rule only few men, eminent for their legal and economic knowledge, are competent to act as arbitrators. This reason alone would make it impossible to transfer to the bishops a task making such large demands on time. When the Holy Father asks the authorities of the Church to counsel and direct the workmen's associations, he limits this counsel and direction to the priestly function, and restricts it to the moral duties connected with the relation between employers and employed.
The bishops are of course required to exercise care and vigilance over purely Catholic associations as well as over those of a mixed character, and this is expressly stated by the Holy Father at the end of the Encyclical, where he exhorts the members of both classes of associations to live on good terms with one another and to practise charity and perfect obedience. Any association bearing the name "Catholic" is under a peculiar obligation to display these virtues, which are so important both for the honour of the Church and for the welfare of the Catholic population.
It would certainiy be too much to expect, at a time of such unrest and excitement, that all friction should at once cease, or that henceforth no mistakes will be made and no hasty words uttered. No one is free from faults, not even a Christian aiming at perfection, and it is only gradually and by constant exertion that a man can attain to moral solidity. Associations will have to work their way to their goal after a similar fashion. But just as the individual Christian does not presume to be the judge of his own moral condition, especially of his relation to his neighbour, so the associations, that we have been discussing, will benefit greatly if they act in accordance with the Holy Father's advice and refrain from becoming a judge in their own cause, when new difficulties occur, but rather have recourse to the regular tribunal of the Church. In this way they will do most valuable service to the cause of Catholicism. The German bishops say: "The Holy See, by urging Catholics to unite, by abandoning mutual recriminations, and by adhering to the orderly and ordinary methods of settling any differences that may yet occur, has acted in accordance with the ardent desires of German Catholics collectively." The abandonment of any further mutual recriminations and a peaceable effort to promote Christian social reform are most urgently needed to check the growth of socialism and radicalism.
A few questions of ethics and apologetics, connected with the Encyclical and with the charges mentioned at the beginning of the chapter, still remain to be disposed of: 1. How are we to understand the weighty statement of this document that "a Christian even in ordering his secular affairs must not neglect supernatural goods, but must order everything to the highest Good as his final aim?"{13} 2. Is this obligation binding upon associations as well as upon individuals? 3. Do not Catholic ethics, in thus emphasizing the aim, deny the independent substance and value of secular civilization, as Protestant critics allege?
{1} Dorner, Augustinus, 1873, p. 312.
{2} Schiele, Christl. Welt, 1908, p. 905.
{3} Trölsch, Intern. Wochenschrift, 1908, p. 22.
{4} See supra, p. 403.
{5} Cf. supra, p. 409.
{6} It is of course impossible to discuss here in its practical aspect the pastoral duty imposed upon bishops of seeing that the conditions are observed.
{7} See supra, p. 13.
{8} Cf. Gisler, Der Modernismus, 1912, p. 215, etc.; Meyenberg, Gottesminne, VII (1912), p. 91, etc.
{9} The German bishops had good reason for requiring trades unions "to restrict their activity to the practical treatment of industrial questions." Any extension of their activity to celebrations, and social entertainments, intended to draw the families and individuals together, and which are unnecessary to promote the economic ends for which the unions exist, would be of questionable value, as it would naturally tend to weaken and destroy Catholic associations.
{10} This important question is not discussed in the Encyclical, but I may refer to the ethical works of Lehmkuhl, Vermeersch, Noldin, Marc, Genicot, Willems, A. Koch, and Schindler; also to Biederlack (supra, p. 408).
{11} Köln. Volksztg., 1912, No. 195.
{12} Giesberts, one of the leading men in the trades unions, writes in his pamphlet "Friede im Gewerkschaftsstreit," 1909, p. 22, as follows: "We are confident that our bishops, in whose dioceses there has been for years a widespread activity of a large number of Christian trades unions, will find ways and means of reminding Catholic workmen of their duty, should the Christian unions display any tendencies antagonistic to the faith and morals taught by Holy Church. Not only are we leaders well aware of our duty as Catholics, but the Catholic workmen who are members of Christian unions possess this same sense of duty in as high a degree, so that they would never tolerate anything contrary to the Catholic faith, to the Church, or to her doctrines and principles."
{13} Regarding the competence of the Church to decide questions of morals, see supra, pp. 404, seq.