The moral justification of the formation and of the work of societies is that man possesses a social nature and has various spiritual and material needs. He comes into existence in consequence of the union of two other human beings; he is by his nature dependent upon union with others; and he has a right to found private associations or societies.{1}
The most general idea of a society is the permanent union of several persons for the purpose of attaining an end, by means of united effort. Single individuals are in a particular sense the material of which society is composed; the purpose that it recoguizes and desires is its interior form (entelechy) which makes one moral whole out of many constituent parts. A society may well be compared with a living organism, because in it the members form a fruitful unity and enter into reciprocal relations that are determined by an inner principle.{2}
The personal independence of the individual must not, however, be overlooked; and all exaggeration and a too precise interpretation of the comparison must be avoided. For the sake of its integrity every society must possess an authority, representing with a moral and external force the common will of the members, and this authority must seek to promote the aim of the society as a whole by directing the individual members towards its realization.{3}
Enough has been said to show that it is the end or aim which more than anything else determines the nature of societies, and thereby their peculiarity and variety -- societas specficatur a fine; and just as the nature of a living creature is the principle and rule of its life, so the sphere of activity of the society -- and of its individual members -- is determined by the peculiar purpose for which it exists.{4}
In natural societies, and in fact in all those instituted by God, the object is absolutely fixed with regard to all that is essential. Thus the family is intended to produce and rear posterity, and to be the foundation of all social life; the State has to secure the earthly safety and welfare of the nation, and the Church aims at the supernatural happiness and perfection of mankind. Within the limits of the last two great societies, with their far-reaching aims and sovereign power (societates perfectae), are many associations and organizations with narrower aims, public and private organizations, not necessary to all men, but contributing to the full social development of the human race, or even indispensable to it.
The greater the progress of civilization, and the greater the liberty of the individual during any period, the more marked is the tendency to form various associations. Individuals realize their inability to discharge all the duties and to satisfy all the needs of life in the way demanded by the advance in education and taste. Hence they form all kinds of associations in order that, by uniting their strength, they may become stronger and able to accomplish more. In the early part of the Middle Ages the labourers on an estate did all the various work, possessing a rudimentary knowledge of every trade; but gradually each particular trade separated itself from the rest, and finally, in the formation of guilds, the standard of work was raised to perfection and control. In the same way associations are formed in our day, each promoting one of the many interests, or discharging one of the functions, of individual existence; and these grow into independent organizations, concerned exclusively and systematically with one definite branch of work.{5}
A society, because of its moral entity, is described as a social organism, and in the moral or judicial sense it is given the character of a "personality." This is justifiable in so far as the association is a self-contained whole, with uniform action, and as it frequently represents itself as "an independent subject with rights and duties, a sharp distinction being drawn between the sphere of action of the society as a whole and of its members individually." We are not now concerned with mere fictitious rights or with social ethics; there is a great difference between the "personality" of an association and that of an individual, a living man with his substantial existence and his mental and physical powers.{6}
The rights of the association must, of course, eventually tend to the temporal and eternal welfare of the individual; and its duties, too, must fall ultimately to individuals, according to their position and importance in the whole corporation, giving them a sense of moral responsibility, moral guilt or moral merit. If we examine the difference closely in the case of free confederations, we find (1) that the association does not possess the individuality of a human being, nor the simplicity, subjectivity, and immortality of the soul, nor its moral freedom and destiny for eternity. (2) The object and activity of an association is primarily and directly exterior and not interior, since every corporate union between individuals is exterior, and even the authority of the society reaches directly to what is external only, to what is attainable in a social sense.{7} Indirectly, it is true, the interior life is affected by the activity of an association, sometimes on the side of knowledge, sometimes on that of the emotions, and sometimes in its moral and religious aspect. On the other hand, in the case of an individual, his interior thoughts and intentions are the chief and fundamental things, animating all his actions. (3) The living unity apparent in all the actions of an individual shows that in spite of the variety of his faculties and their fluctuating manifestations in action, his personality is indivisible both in his own consciousness and in his moral responsibility. The law of morality requires every man to practise all the virtues, and human society, too, makes claims upon him in very various ways. But the duty of an association, as we have seen, is limited to the purpose of its foundation; in most eases this purpose is to secure division of work, and restriction of intellectual or material activity to certain departments; and these things determine its social value. Thereby the individual is enabled to belong to many associations (patriotic, scientific, charitable, artistic, and social) without confusing his energies. We may assert that every form of activity, honourable, justifiable, or permissible, may be made the object of a social association. An individual takes up various occupations successively; while by associations they are carried on side by side. An interest which in an individual, on account of the strict unity of his life, remains inseparably connected with his whole spiritual and moral life, may develop a separate existence when it is made the exclusive object of an association. (4) In speaking of moral and religious obligations we saw that in all his actions man ought to be guided by faith and love of God; but that after these virtues were aroused, other motives were necessary to influence his will, motives perhaps of common honesty or of interest neither good nor bad, but capable of being reconciled with the supernatural direction of his life to God. Motives of this kind may become the objects for which associations are formed. There are, of course, associations for religious purposes, associations for the encouragement of natural virtues, such as patriotic leagues and temperance societies, but also others whose object is not definitely of a moral character, such as trading associations and clubs for sports and recreation.
Since there are undoubtedly actions which are indifferent on their outward material side, and since associations as such have to do with this outward, objective side of our actions, it is impossible to deny that the aims of associations may be indifferent as well as naturally good. An individual is bound to inwardly sanctify, by the spirit of faith and charity, what is naturally good or indifferent, and this duty cannot simply be transferred to an association, because, in the first place, an association as such possesses no heart bound to devote itself constantly to God, and, therefore, it has no purely interior obligations; and, in the second place, the members are not bound to awaken supernatural, good intention for every work they perform, therefore, not for every work in connection with the activity of the association. There is, however, one thing that is demanded of associations as well as of individuals, in the same way and with the same universality, viz., that they undertake nothing contrary to the highest aim of life, or that would be contrary to faith and good morals. Moreover, every association has the duty to have an objectively suitable and morally permissible object for its activity, which the members may dedicate subjectively to the highest aim.{8}
"The supernatural and Christian view of life must penetrate and control economic life, especially in regulating wages and the conditions of labour; this is true not only of the economic efforts of individuals, but of the work of economic associations." This statement is correct if the words "penetrate" and "control" be understood in the sense given above, but not if St. Thomas's doctrine, that there are no morally indifferent actions in concreto, be simply transferred from the individual to the association. Cavagnis says: "If the object of an association has no bearing upon the spiritual order, as is the case with associations of merchants, manufacturers, etc., it is enough that this object be attained in a way not opposed to the spiritual order, i.e., by morally permissible means." Such an ordinatio negativa et objectiva suffices for associations, as the positive and subjective ordering to the final end is a matter concerning the individual.{9}
This limitation of scope and aim is not present to the same degree in all societies, especially not in those that are the natural social units. The family, the origin of all community life, does not affect a man only on one side of his nature; it lays hold of and fashions him as a whole, bringing all his powers, especially his moral powers, into play. This is why the positive practice of religion and morality is so important in family life.
The State, too, is superior to any other association, because it affects our life in many different ways, connected with the aim of its existence, viz., the good order and prosperity of the whole nation. Strictly speaking, it has only earthly prosperity in view, but because it has to promote this prosperity in every possible manner, it must not overlook the dependence of morality upon religion, which becomes thus indirectly essential to the happiness and peace of society. Therefore, indirectly, the State also stands in a positive relation to the highest aim of life.{10}
Thus a Catholic can maintain the full supremacy of faith and charity over his inward and outward life, his private and public actions, without being bound to hold aloof from all associations and agencies of civilized life which aim at things that are permitted, without, however, referring them to the highest aim of all. Of course, in such associations people are brought together whose views on the vital questions of life are absolutely opposed. Even in Catholic countries the members of trade societies, of automobile or aeronautic clubs, are not all practical Catholics, and a former or nominal adherence to the Church is no guarantee of Catholic principles. Yet contact with people of different religious opinions is practically not only unavoidable, but necessary in the interests of the Catholic position in civilization and for Catholic influence.{11} This is particularly true in countries where the people profess various creeds.
Nevertheless, "interdenominationalism," both dogmatic and practical, is, as a system, to be condemned. Careful investigation is required to decide which associations must have a Catholic character, in order to meet the needs of the time, and which may, or must, be "mixed." If we begin with the highest aims for which associations are formed, it is clear that those intended to promote the interests of religion and the Church, such as missionary and devotional confraternities, cannot possibly be interdenominational, but must rest upon the foundation of a definite creed. I have already pointed out that every mixture of religions, every compact between Catholicism and Protestantism, must be excluded as a matter of principle.
The question of education borders very closely upon that of religion, just as a Christian household resembles the Church. Most German States have therefore established denominational schools, at any rate for elementary education. And associations for the young, not intended simply to give formal instruction or to teach a particular subject, but to supply moral training of the individual, ought to be very closely connected with the Church.
Some charitable associations that aim at resisting moral degradation and at doing good to the souls as well as to the bodies of men, need the support of religion, since their task is to supply education of a most difficult sort; and the same may be said of associations requiring the surrender of one's entire activity to the service of the sick and poor. Practical experience has taught the women of Germany, both Catholics and Protestants, that such work cannot be undenominational.
As far as social organizations include charitable or educational work, or come into contact with divergent views on religion and morals -- I may remind my readers of the different opinions now current regarding marriage -- they also have to rest upon some definite religious basis. In this way there were established, in addition to the German Women's League, first the Evangelical and then the Catholic League; and the undenominational league was compelled to exclude the Society for the Protection of Mothers from affiliation, in consequence of the attitude assumed by the latter society towards marriage reform. Similar remarks would apply to the antagonistic opinions held with regard to social-economic questions, some of which directly affect religion and morality, whilst others display the bitter feeling aroused by conflicting interests in the sphere of industry. The divergence of opinions is revealed by the fact that Christian trades unions were founded in opposition to those of the socialists, and it is emphasized by the Encyclical "Singulari," which requires Catholic organizations to be established wherever it is possible, to promote the interests of workingmen in matters not exclusively industrial, but involving dangers to faith and morals. Where there is no such danger, and where the activity of an association is limited to purely secular matters, not affecting the religious and moral duties of Catholics, the Encyclical does not attempt to deter Catholics from joining associations that are "mixed." Moreover, where weighty reasons exist, such as the "peculiar position" of Catholics in non-Catholic countries, and where it would be impossible otherwise to assure their worldly interests, still greater liberty is allowed. In no case is a separation on the ground of religious difference to be taken as indicating hostility, but rather a desire to live peaceably side by side, and to unite on important matters by arriving at a practical mutual understanding, where such is possible, by means of a permanent cartel.
In the case of many German societies, the above-mentioned reasons for regarding it as essential, or at least desirable, that they should be Catholic in character, gain support from the circumstances of the time. The chief of these are the antagonism between the spirit of the age and Christian thought and sentiment, and here and there the deep-rooted prejudices of Protestants, which dispose them to treat Catholics as inferiors. The dangers of university life and the practice of duelling have led to the formation of Associations for Catholic students, which, like other associations for young men, aim at imparting a sort of training, so that the youth may develop into a Christian man whilst passing through the difficult time of transition from a state of strict discipline to one of academic freedom. The Görres-Gesellschaft was founded at a time when a violent attack was being made upon the foundations of the faith, and when the position of Catholic scholars was endangered by the Kulturkampf. It fosters science, moreover, in that deeper and allembracing sense which includes its relation to questions of faith and views of life.
Associations of Catholics who have received a university education have recently been formed in many towns; they arrange for lectures on religious and scientific subjects, some of them being delivered by their own members; and this fact in itself shows that they do not aim at setting up unnatural "barriers in the way of social intercourse," but rather at familiarizing Catholics with the doctrines of their own faith. It is obvious that towards the great religious questions of the time an educated Catholic must adopt an attitude quite unlike that of a Protestant, who is accustomed to rely upon private judgment. The Catholic religion is a world of objective thought, with many ramifications, and intimately connected with every form of progress; and it requires considerable effort to assimilate its teaching. The danger that the stronger religious feeling of a Catholic in dogma, ethics, and mysticism will lose its force in a worldly atmosphere is far greater than the chance of a Protestant to develop contrary to his religious convictions.{12}
Non-Catholics who are inclined to envy the successful Catholic associations in Germany, must acknowledge that these associations are based upon the real interests of religion, or upon a practical wish to promote morality. Besides the numerous confraternities, congregations, and pious guilds, and those having direct religious aims (missionary societies, etc.), must also be mentioned the societies of St. Vincent de Paul and St. Elizabeth, many other charitable associations, the Society of St. Charles Borromeo, the Görres-Gesellschaft, the Albertus Magnus-Verein, and many others, some of which have thousands of members, whilst even these are surpassed by the Volksverein für das Katholische Deutschland with its seven or eight hundred thousand members. In the case of organizations for particular classes of people, it must be borne in mind that they do not seek only to promote the interests of their members' calling, but to encourage them to perform all the duties of Christians, or to further and protect definite religious and apologetic aims, according to the needs of the class concerned.
On the other hand, Catholics do not hesitate to take part in really indifferent, mixed associations, that have nothing to do with religious and moral questions (choral and gymnastic societies, antiquarian and philological associations, etc.). Many classes, with important tasks to perform, have joint associations for Catholics and Protestants, such as naturalists, lawyers, farmers, manufacturers, workingmen, etc.; financial alliances and societies for patriotic and social purposes are, like the Christian trades unions, devoid of any denominational character.
The mixed nature of the German State which secures equal rights to all denominations, has chiefly contributed to the development of the state of affairs now existing. Public political associations both in the Empire and in the individual States, in provinces, districts, towns, and villages, are interdenominational as a matter of principle; and as they exert great influence upon the life and civilization of the nation, the necessity of common action arises, and thus affects many kindred departments, where the formation of free associations is permissible. It frequently happens that the government appeals directly to the initiative and self-reliance of the citizens, and urges them to unite into new associations. Were Catholics to stand aloof from such formations, they would be depriving themselves of abundant resources, placed at their disposal by the State, and they would only add to their own economic burdens. Their difficulties in securing fair treatment, and their efforts to obtain complete equality in political life, would be greatly increased, and they would expose themselves to the charge of refusing to coöperate actively in the life of the nation. This would inevitably have the result of making the position of the Catholic Church in Germany more difficult. This general consideration must not, however, lead to feeble compromises, nor tolerate any vague undenominationalism, likely to injure the purity of our faith. Modern developments show that an intelligent respect for denominational organization is possible within the limits of common national and political aims. I need only remind my readers of the strictly denominational charitable institutions and to the various establishments for the care of the young. Another illustration is the fact that the various associations of women or of teachers unite from time to time to secure some definite objects. Such developments coincide on all essential points with the kind of unity recommended in the Encyclical "Singulari," viz., combined effort between various associations. In this way the dangers are avoided to which in mixed associations individual members are exposed, especially if they are uneducated and do not possess much strength of character. Amongst such dangers are the risk of confusion in religious matters, mistaken readiness to make concessions in practical questions, and disputes and disunion in the association itself. Each denomination can thus independently and fully develop its principles and moral strength, and the fact that the associations are distinct serves to promote a healthy rivalry, whilst the friendly relation existing between them and their common patriotic aim avert any kind of estrangement or hostility.{13}
From the fundamental idea of the meaning and object of associations, it follows that even where the Catholic character is not essential, it is by no means antagonistic to secular and purely natural activity, but rather indicates a valuable completion and perfection of it. All that is natural is purified in Christianity; all that is indifferent, or expedient from the worldly point of view, is capable of being directed to a higher, supernatural aim; all that is concrete and isolated seems to demand participation in the purpose of life. There can be no question that uniformity of religious belief and agreement on the most important concerns in life afford the most favourable basis for the formal side of the association, as they tend to draw men together and to promote peaceable intercourse. The comparison of a living organism shows that this must be the case. A plant may be able to reveal and develop its specific character in a certain location, but as soon as transplanted from shade into sunshine, from poor into rich soil, it gains in size, strength, and beauty. In the corporations of the Middle Ages things sacred and secular were closely interwoven. Guilds and confraternities derived a certain consecration from having saints as their patrons, and from the blessing of the Church. Their members shared in common devotions and in works of charity, and all these things had an elevating and conciliatory effect upon society. In the great works of art, that owe their origin to the piety of these early associations, we can still see, as it were, the afterglow of this connection between things sacred and secular; but it shines as a new light in the numerous Catholic organizations of the present day, and our societies for Catholic apprentices and workingmen are worthy to be ranked with the ancient guilds.
The difference, pointed out in a former passage, between the obligation of the individual and of the association, is confirmed by the clear and precise statements of the Encyclical. Every homo christianus is bound inwardly to refer all his work to God, i.e., he must have a supernatural intention; both individuals and societies (vel singuli vel consociati) must act so as to maintain peace and charity amongst all ranks of the population, and to avoid all discord.{14}
The Catholic members of mixed unions (ipsi catholici) are required to be obedient to the Church, and to fulfil all their religious and moral duties as Catholics; the only condition imposed upon trades unions as such (qua tales) is that they should neither propose, nor carry into effect, anything contrary to these duties.{15}
The bishops are required to watch (observare) the proceedings of the trades unions, and to exercise vigilant care (vigilare) over the Catholic members of them. With regard to the Catholic organizations mentioned in the Encyclical, the associations of workingmen are to be under the direction of the clergy, and must do their best to promote the positive practice of religion in a pious life and in moral instruction. The purely industrial associations are commended in general terms for resting on a Catholic foundation and for recognizing the guidance of the Church, -- as the characteristics of a Catholic association, -- but positive religious obligations are not imposed upon them. Their chief advantage is that they avoid the danger of ignoring religious obligations, a danger to which mixed associations are peculiarly exposed. It remains for us to discuss briefly the basis upon which coöperation of Catholics with non-Catholics, whether permissible or necessary, is to be arranged. Here we touch upon the so-called "general Christian basis" of industrial and political organizations. I have repeatedly said that the idea of a general Christian basis, if it involves a vague, hazy form of Christianity, is both reprehensible and impractical. A Catholic takes into such associations his strong Catholic view of life and of the world as the groundwork of his activity as a member; and starting with this basis, he enters into the common work of the society only to the extent permitted by his Catholic principles. If a Protestant, starting with the principles of his religion, arrives at the same demands, they may both work together for these demands and use their combined strength to preserve moral and natural advantages, without in the least abandoning their respective principles.{16}
Many people are not satisfied with this practical solution of the problem; and as such coöperation usually occurs with adherents of the positive tendency in Protestantism, they try to define theoretically what they have in common with Catholics, or at least think that to do so is important for critical reasons.{17}
Practically, however, the problem is by no means limited to the question of trades unions, or to the coöperation with faithful Protestants. In many mixed societies, e.g., in trading associations, corporations, etc., there are Jews as well as Protestants. Theoretically any attempt to determine upon a programme of what all Christians hold in common suggests that an amalgamation of religions is the end in view. The Encyclical "Singulari" is instructive on this subject also. In reference to coöperation in economic matters by men of different denominations, it does not allude to the points of dogma on which they agree, but rather to their common interest in the good order of human society (disciplina societatis humanae) and in the welfare of the State (prosperitas civitatis). In recommending a permanent understanding between Catholic and non-Catholic unions, it uses the word foedus or cartel, plainly indicating that definite principles of equity are assumed to be its basis. It describes, as the material aim that they have in common, some "morally permissible advantage," "the general welfare," "better conditions for the working classes," and "fairer adjustment of wages and labour." We may sum up all these objects and say that the essential bases for common activity in secular matters are the rules and aims of natural morality and natural right, which are very closely connected with man and human society, and are inculcated both by reason and by Christianity. As we have seen, each association has some definite aim, and if we study it in the light of moral principles, according to its nature and connection with the general aims of mankind and of society, we shall discover practical requirements and rules of action, which must commend themselves to every reasonable man, and especially to every Christian.{18}
By looking at things in this way, we (1) avoid various difficulties inseparable from any attempt to formulate the ideas common to different forms of Christianity. Moreover, this solution can be applied not only to Protestants but to all non-Catholics; it does not depend upon finding out what Christian principles the former still retain, and how far they have orthodox or liberal tendencies, -- as matters stand at the present time this would be practically impossible and a hopeless task. Catholic liberty of action is better assured, and the very reasonable and justifiable inclination to form a political alliance with parties, that approach us closely in matters of religion, must be checked at the point which a true view of natural justice and political wisdom will fix. Among the members of any mixed organization an appeal to reason is more likely to gain a hearing than a discussion of common religious principles.{19} (2) If we adopt the fundamental position mentioned above, we shall find it easier to show the objective reality of our proceedings and to defend our right to our own point of view. We start with the order inherent in things, and show the inner justice imparted by divine wisdom to our natural aims. We defend the welfare of the family, the order of the State, the law of contracts, the dignity of labour, liberty of religious worship in States where all religions are tolerated, and the legal rights of subjects, giving for all these things reasons that any one can understand. The higher light that we derive from our faith does not lose its value in this way; in fact, to it we owe a peculiar clearness and assurance in dealing with these natural questions. But in the same way as scholastic philosophers justified their teaching about usury not only by the laws of the Church, but also by the nature of loans and the natural claims of justice, and as Catholic moralists at the present day quote also reason and human welfare in support of the indissoluble character of marriage, -- thus, when discussing social and political subjects, we derive substantial support if we can refer to the natural necessity, justice, and expediency of our course.{20} This view agrees perfectly with the teaching of St. Thomas on nature and grace, which we have already discussed. Supernatural love of God comprehends all permissible dilectiones humanae, and the theological virtues do not exclude the virtutes civiles. If Christian faith is lacking, the bonum naturae still remains, and although the "later's stage of supernatural goodness may have been removed, the "earlier" stage of civic virtue may be left.{21}
The metaphysical ground for these ethical arguments is to be found in the aims laid down in creation by God's wisdom, and intended by Him to be the material basis of morality. The essential point in the moral order is reference to the highest aim, the direction to God of one's whole being and of all one's actions. This direction, however, and the duty to glorify God and to strive to possess Him, are realized outwardly when we respect the natural order of things in relation to one another, when we strive to attain the highest end by attaining our own particular aims, and when we value the fines particulares of the single virtues as being in se ordinabiles ad finem caritatis, and seek to make them our own.{22}
The opinion as to the kind of common foundation possible for mixed associations gains further weight from some words addressed by Leo XIII in 1892 to the Bishop of Grenoble, on the occasion of a congress of the Federation of young Catholics in that city: "In aiming at what is good either for individuals or for society, it is a matter of Christian prudence not to reject, but rather to invite the coöperation of all well-meaning men. The great majority of the French people is Catholic, but even amongst those who are not so fortunate, many still preserve sound common sense and a certain uprightness that we may describe as the sense of a naturally Christian soul. Now this sense, united with an inclination to what is good, gives them also the power to realize it. . . . If all men rise superior to party strife and work together, -- the honest people with their sense of justice and straightforwardness, and the faithful with the resources supplied by religion, -- the masses will at last find out who are their true friends."{23}
Even H. Holzamer does not condemn unions of workers of various denominations to secure better conditions of labour, i.e., for a specifically secular purpose; he opposes only any suggestion of "a common Christian basis." "The only conceivable, suitable, and possible ground for justifying or recommending such unions (they ought to be called 'undenominational' and not 'Christian'), is that it is possible to insist upon the specifically secular purposes as the bond of union, and to declare that in carrying out these aims, the conscientious scruples of every denomination shall be carefully respected."{24} Holzamer thus adopts our point of view, but in limiting "the bond of union" to the immediate aim he goes further than we have done.
But it may be asked, is it not proper, then, to describe as "Christian" the joint action of Catholics and Protestants in public life, thereby gladly welcoming the real agreement in faith and morals that exists between Catholics and "positive" Protestants? We certainly do not suggest to any economical, political, or national union that they first investigate the common "Christian basis." What we do is to place ourselves as persons upon the basis of Catholicism, and we place the union upon the objective, natural excellence of its specific aim, and upon the civic virtues recognized both by reason and religion.
But may we not regard it as beneficial to the prestige of Christianity, and as facilitating our task, that we, though aware of deep religious differences, can nevertheless speak of Christian States, Christian society, Christian schools and education, and Christian associations of workingmen, and in doing so call to mind the things that we have in common with others and which justify us in speaking thus? Undoubtedly this question must be answered in the affirmative.
(1) The designation "Christian" implies an allegiance to Christ which is not merely external. It expresses the fact that our Redeemer's work still exerts a powerful influence upon mankind, beyond the limits of His visible Church, and that nations, though to a great extent alienated from the Catholic Church, still retain of her teaching much that they regard as a precious possession and as the leaven of public and civil life. Freethinkers and atheists would welcome with joy the sacrifice of the word "Christian" in favour of "undenominational" by States in which religious equality prevails. They would regard it as a proof that their exertions have been successful, and would see in it a prospect of soon destroying religion in the specifically Catholic and Protestant countries. (2) If we consider what most politicians, sociologists, and orators (including Catholics) actually mean when they speak of a Christian theory of life and of the universe, we shall find that very frequently, if not usually, they are thinking of the truths of natural religion, morality, and order, such as the existence of God, the spiritual character and immortality of the soul, the freedom of the will, respect for authority, monogamy, the sacredness of human life, and similar truths closely connected with political and social questions. In themselves these ideas are suggested by reason and philosophy, yet there is good reason for calling them Christian, since Christianity first disentagled them from the errors of paganism and planted them permanently in the consciousness of the human race. These truths and rules follow as a necessary result from the correct, theistic theory of the universe. But the word "theistic" is surely not suitable for popular use, even if it were desired to introduce it. (3) Over and above these natural truths there are a number of common possessions derived from the treasury of the revealed Christian religion. It would be difficult, and often impossible, to state them to an association with many Protestant members, in such a way as to make them theologically intelligible and capable of serving as a basis of common activity. Practically, however, as an element of social life, and in civil and national culture, there are many ideas and institutions belonging to this field that are very valuable as a basis for joint action, although opinions differ as to their precise significance. Or is it a matter of indifference if in a country the person of Christ is regarded as sacred and protected against blasphemy or not? If the Bible is treated as a sacred book or not? If the head of the State speaks with respect of the Trinity and of the Apostles' Creed? If the observance of Sunday and of the great feasts of Christianity is enforced by law? If oaths in their Christian form, the Christian burial of the dead, denominational schools with religious instruction, theology as a faculty of the universities, have survived? If Catholicism is officially and publicly recognized by the State? Or if, on the other hand, the contrary of all this is the fact? Great numbers of Protestants cling to these elements of the ancient, common faith with deep conviction, or at least with strong feelings of piety.
The present time, so restless and full of exciting contrasts, is drawing a sharp dividing line between the people who believe and the masses who drift into naturalism and socialism and who would fain remove from public life all traces of Christian tradition. Such being the state of affairs, no Catholic will deny that it is often our duty to join forces with Protestants, even in the interests of Catholicism; but where this is the case, it would certainly be unwise and unreasonable to try to avoid using the watchword "Christian," in fighting side by side for sacred institutions, not to interpret them theologically, but simply to defend and preserve them in the form in which they still exist amongst the people -- foundation stones saved from the time when all men professed the same faith. It would be unwise and unreasonable to try to ignore what still remains of the faith in the fundamental dogmas of Christianity and of the sentiments of respect for them, for the reason that they are contaminated by error, since the force of such faith and feelings is of great practical and political value in counteracting the destructive tendencies of the social and religious revolution.
Still, in spite of all these considerations, this "Christian" community of thought seems less suited to serve as the real foundation or basis for an association, a party or a cartel; it can, however, be of assistance in facilitating, maintaining, and strengthening the natural law foundation, which has been previously discussed.{25}
It may be urged that the discord and uncertainty existing outside the Church extends not only to dogmas, but also to those natural truths and rules that we have accepted as a basis for common action, and we may be told that Protestant scholars question the existence of a natural law. But then (1) many, who deny the existence of the natural law, still admit that of a natural moral law. They maintain indeed that an immoral law can create a formal right, as a right coincides essentially with the power of the State to enforce obedience; but they acknowledge that conscience and morality may forbid obedience to such a law. Because a man holds a positive theory regarding law, it does not follow that he does so regarding morals. (2) In questions of social life and work, we are concerned less with the opinions and definitions of scholars than with the sound common sense of the people. The masses still believe in a natural law, as something born in them; and they look upon all violence done to the weak, all withholding of wages, all partiality in the administration of justice, all breaches of contracts, as wrongs done to their neighbours, quite apart from any State enactments. In daily life this natural sense of justice is strengthened by the reciprocity of interests as well as by the influence of Christian customs -- dishonest maxims seldom find acceptance for any length of time, so that in many Protestant districts commercial honesty and trustworthiness are exemplary. If the principles of the natural law had altogether ceased to affect social and political life outside the Church, it would be impossible for Catholic minorities ever to hope for success in a mixed parliament, or for a Catholic trades union to form any sort of alliance with a Protestant society. The ambiguity prevailing on fundamental questions of morality, and the still greater difficulty of applying them to individual cases, again warn us of the dangers which may arise when mixed associations are formed in any indifferent way. It is most necessary to train men to think and act in accordance with Catholic principles, and there must also be a strong and enlightened guidance on the part of the ecclesiastical authorities; -- these are the two cautelae required by Pius X in his Encyclical.
This brief survey is enough to show us what happiness we enjoy, as Catholics, in being perfectly agreed regarding the substance and scope of Christian principles, and in possessing, as one harmonious whole, all the Christian doctrines and institutions that those outside the Church possess only as isolated fragments. With Catholicism as their foundation, the truths and laws of natural, ethical, and social thought are more firmly established than could otherwise be the case. The Catholic theory of life is our "tower of strength," and it must be the basis and support of all our activity, even when we step out to combine with others in the common struggle for the preservation of what is good. It would be pessimism to stand aloof from this common struggle, and to insist upon an exclusively Catholic equipment, fearing that the radical and unbelieving tendency would be victorious in the end, and thus destroy the remains of the old Christianity. In any case we must beware of incurring any responsibility for such injury, and however great our hindrances may be, we must hope for the eventual triumph of Christianity and pray Ut omnes unum sint. We may take into account the sad possibility of defeat, as a spur to drive us on in our efforts to preserve and intensify in our own ranks the living force and energy of Catholic Christianity and to combine the readiness to make sacrifices for the Church with the labour for our country. And while we avail ourselves of the permission to join mixed associations, we must exert ourselves to develop and strengthen our purely Catholic societies. In this way we shall supply those of our faith with the inward support and power of resistance that they need in interdenominational intercourse; and at the same time, in case any industrial revolution should occur, we shall be laying up a store of inward strength, self-control, and enthusiasm, that may then serve as the foundation of a new order of society.{26}
{1} Leo XIII, Rerum novarum, p. 210, C.T.S.
{2} Thus Leo XIII says that the State ought not to interfere with the inner concerns and organization of societies: "for things move and live by the spirit prompting them, and may be killed by the rough grasp of a hand from without" (Ibid., p. 214).
{3} The inward aim (finis, operis), which belongs to the essence of the society, may be distinguished from the outward aim (finis operantis) which it seeks to realize by its activity.
{4} (Jathrein, op. cit., II, 388. Willems, Philos. moral., p. 365: "Natura igitur societatis ejusque finis normam adaequatam activitatis socialis constituunt."
{5} Cf. A. Weiss, op. cit., IX, 652, etc.
{6} H. Pesch, Nationaltikonomie, I, 143.
{7} Willems, p. 363.
{8} A saying of St. Augustine, that has already been quoted, may be applied also to associations, viz., we must not find fault with what is done for the reason that not everything is done.
{9} Cavagnis, 1. c. 1, 390. Cf. Y. de la Brière, etudes, 1912, tom. 133, p. 706.
{10} Cavagnis, op. cit.; cf. supra, pp. 358, seq.; Suarez (De leg., III, c. 11, n. 9, etc.) remarks that even in a Christian State legislation need take the supernatural into account only in as far as it affects the aim of the State, The ruler of a Christian country does his duty if he faithfully does all that he can for the welfare of the State, and in no way injures the supernatural aim; to refer the act of legislation directly to this aim is, as a rule, not in praecepto, but in consilio.
{11} I may just mention the fact that the Canon Law, since the time of Martin V. has expressly sanctioned civil intercourse with excommunicati tolerati.
{12} Cf. supra, pp. 53, seq.
{13} Thus a formal agreement was, with the approval of the bishops, made in Germany between the Catholic associations for young men and the undenominational "Jungdeutschlandbund."
{14} If associations were bound to have a supernatural intention in the same way as individuals, this might, in the case of mixed organizations, actually bring about a false mixture of religious ideas.
{15} Cf. supra, p. 409. A positive declaration on this subject is not required of the mixed associations.
{16} Gisler, op. cit., p. 215. gives instances of such cooperation.
{17} Cf. Theol. Revue, 1913, P. 182.
{18} On the subject of membership in Christian trades unions Mayenberg writes (op. cit., p. 95): "The natural principles regarding private and public property, hours of labour and wages, workingmen's associations, strikes and innumerable similar questions, are the principles of our whole Catholic theory of God and of the universe. In Christianity all that is supernatural is founded upon the strong basis of sound human intelligence, natural truth, and natural law."
{19} It is known that often the adherents of orthodox Protestantism are more than liberal theologians and philosophers antagonistic to Catholics.
{20} That this solution may be regarded as a consistent rule appears from the fact that it is applicable to mixed associations which are concerned neither directe nor oblique with religion and morals, and therefore are not considered in the Encyclical. In their case also there must be a common basis, but no one would require the doctrines of Christianity to be guaranteed by glee clubs and that sort of societies.
{21} Cf. supra, pp. 445, seq.
{22} S. theol., II, II, g. 23 a. 7, c. and ad 1.
{23} Cf. H. Platz, Der Sillon, Hochland, VIII, II, 4.
{24} Turin und Block. Trier (Petrus-Verlag) 1912, p. 224, etc.
{25} On November 28, 1909 the leaders of the Centre party in the German Parliament issued a manifesto declaring this party to be "political and undenominational," taking its "stand on the constitution of the German Empire," and aiming at the protection of the rights and interests of all the citizens, "the welfare of the nation as a whole, and the prosperity of all classes." As one of its aims is mentioned particularly "to assert the justifiable interests of German Catholics in every department of public life." Although every deputy is bound to be guided by the principles of his own denomination in all that affects religion, there is still a wide range of "principles and interests," common to all Christians, and experience shows it to be at once possible and desirable for both Catholics and non-Catholics to cooperate in the Centre party on these points. With regard to Christian trades unions, the founders chose to designate them thus to mark their opposition to the revolutionary tendencies of the age. Enough has been said to show that the mere use of the word "Christian" does much to avert errors and excesses. The obliteration of this word would strengthen the opponents of the organization, no matter to what party they might belong, and would give rise to a very disastrous confusion of mind in its friends and adherents.
{26} In his Lenten Pastoral for 1910, Cardinal Fischer condemns indiscriminate interdenominationalism, and says: "Quite apart from the private relations arising out of the mixture of Catholics and Protestants in many districts, there are many departments in social and public life, where we Catholics can without difficulty work hand in hand with our fellow countrymen who profess another, but a positive, form of Christianity, in protecting our common possessions and to ward off common dangers; in fact we are obliged to help one another. The increasing strength and the aggressive attitude of unbelief makes it necessary for all believers in Christ to unite, if our country is not to be injured to its very vitals, and if the nation is not to be gradually robbed of Christianity." In July of the same year Cardinal Kopp addressed to Catholic associations of workingmen the following words: "We Catholics are not in the habit of bringing into prominence the differences marking us off in matters of religion. We are content to practise, maintain, and protect our own religious conviction; and we wish to be guided by it. It should affect our whole life, both religious and civil, and sustain us in all our actions. We refuse to conceal or suppress our religious conviction for any earthly advantage. We cannot alter or remove the existing religious differences, but we can prevent their giving rise to friction and being an obstacle to our peaceable existence with others. We cannot obliterate them, but we can soften them and not allow them to intrude upon our social and civil relations. . . . We may cling to our own faith, and order our behaviour in accordance with it. But does this prevent us from living in peace and concord with our fellow countrymen who have another faith, or from working harmoniously with them to improve and perfect the conditions of life in this world?"